A research report submitted to the Faculty of Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management (in the field of Public and Development Management). / This thesis attempts to look at delinkage and decentralisation in health care reforms taking place in Zambia. While an attempt has been made to look at the international context, the main focus is on Zambia with its donor issues, manpower constraints and liquidity problems. The issues are looked at through the actors in the reform process. The findings are interpreted in light of organisational and administrative factors, behavioural factors, political circumstances and the financial and human resource situation. Zambia's reform efforts are viewed in the light of current worldwide trends is health care reform. / AC2017

Thesis (M.Com. (Development Theory and Policy))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Economic and Business Sciences. / This research paper analyses the Zambian soya bean value chain and serves to explore and investigate to what extent trade theory can be used to explain this value chain. Soya bean production in Zambia has grown vastly within the last four years, owing to this growth, Zambia has instantly become a net exporter of soya bean cake. Most of the soya bean cake produced is consumed within the country. The animal feed industry utilises a large percentage of the soya cake in order to produce animal feed for the poultry sector predominantly. The growth in the soya industry has created various linkages for example the poultry industry which is a growing industry owing to amongst other factors, the growth in the Zambian middle class. This research aims to explore the constraints, challenges and drivers of this value chain. Trade theory is used in order to explain the value chain and capture the limitations of theory in relation to the Zambian soya bean value chain. The research paper uses both a qualitative and quantitative methodology. Interviews were used to source information and quantitative data was collected from various platforms

This study of civil control of the military in Zambia was undertaken in order to ascertain why in contrast with many other former British colonies in Africa such as Ghana and Uganda the military in that country has consistently supported the ruling elite and not sought to obtain political power for itself. In answering the question why this was the case, this study used the qualitative methods and analytical concepts of coercive and consensual measures of control, although the two types of measures are often used in combination, as the main tools that determined civil control of the military in four periods, namely the colonial period, the immediate post-independence period, the period of one-party rule, and the period of reinstated multiparty democracy. Using either coercive or consensual measures as our tools of analysis, comparative profiles were constructed of the nature, character and degree of civil control of the military in each period, and how these were reconfigured by the different political transitions that ushered in the four periods. This assisted in ascertaining which elements of civil control of the military remained constant, and which changed. Data was collected from primary and secondary sources, and verified in in-depth interviews with 20 role players. The main findings are that Zambian governments used two main methods to exert civil control over the military. During the colonial period (1900–1963), the dominant method was coercive measures which was reflected in the policies of racial discrimination and implemented through racialised structures like parliament, the executive and the judiciary. Consequently, relations between the government, the military, and white settlers were harmonious, while those with Africans were antagonistic and explosive. Under the Independence Constitution of the First Republic (1964–1972), the use of consensual measures was manifested in the normative frameworks found in non-racial multiparty democracies and spelt out in the constitution and other specific legislation. In the Zambian case, this was supported by the new government’s motto of ‘One Zambia, One Nation’. Under the One-Party Constitution of the Second Republic (1973-1990), the dominant method was largely through the use of coercive measures characteristic of one party states in terms of which military and civil intelligence officers monitored the political activities of all military personnel as well as ordinary civilians. This helped to remove all anti-government elements from the military. Under the Multi-Party Constitution of the Third Republic (1991-2004), the dominant methods were a combination of all good practices inherited from the previous republics but largely through consensual measures which were manifested in the reintroduction of strong parliamentary and executive oversight over defence expenditure and activities. This study concludes that stable civil control of the military in Zambia in the 20th century was as a result of effective use of either coercive or consensual measures or the mixture of the two and this sets Zambia apart from many other African countries. Further more, it is important to emphasize one point on the relevance of this study’s findings for the study of civil-military relations. This is that despite that both these types of measures worked as a solution for Zambia, upon closer scrutiny, civil control of the military cannot be indefinitely secured by coercive means, and that the only sustainable way of securing civil control of the military is to maintain consensual relations between the core ‘triumvirate’ namely: the political authorities/government/ruling elite; the military and military elite; and the citizenry

This dissertation presents the suspicions and tensions encountered during ethnographic fieldwork with (what I call) the Predator Project Zambezi (PPZ), a WWF-funded research and conservation organization based in Zambia. It extrapolates the broader contexts of this uneasiness and situates it within global conservation discourses. The distrust that manifests between the wildlife authorities in Zambia, the residents of rural areas, and PPZ epitomizes postcolonial contentions over state sovereignty and the continued hegemony of Euro-American environmental ideologies. Moreover, the objective perspective that is claimed by PPZ as a scientific organization is challenged through analysis of its daily epistemic contradictions. In this ethnography, I show how the priorities of conservation institutions as communicated through PPZ ultimately work to arrest the post-colonies in a continuous state of catching up to the eco-modern condition that is ascribed to the global North.

Introduction The study aimed at determining health workers’ prescription patterns using selected WHO/INRUD core drug-use indicators and investigated determinants of appropriate antibiotic prescribing in public Zambian primary health care facilities. Methods The study was a secondary data analysis of a cross sectional survey of health facility data collected in four districts of Zambia. This study extracted patients’ diagnoses and treatments and linked them to the health worker demographics and health facility characteristics in order to determine prescription patterns and factors influencing appropriate antibiotic prescribing. Results A total of 2206 prescriptions were analysed. An average of 2.5 drugs per encounter was prescribed. Injections were prescribed in 4% of the encounters. While over 95% of drugs were from the essential drug list fewer drugs were prescribed by their generic names. Only 1.5% of encounters did not result in a prescription. Antimalarial drugs and antipyretics were prescribed in at least 70% of encounters while antibiotics were prescribed in close to 40% of encounters. Of all encounters in which a systemic antibiotic was prescribed, just above a quarter were of appropriate indication and dosage. Determinants of appropriate antibiotic prescribing included patient’s age, presence of clinical wall charts and treatment guidelines; and the health worker cadre. Under-5s were more likely to receive antibiotics when indicated, though at wrong dosages. Health workers with access to guidelines were more likely to prescribe antibiotics only when indicated. Health worker cadre iv without pre-service clinical training were more likely to prescribe antibiotics when not indicated and at wrong dosages. Discussion This study showed that health workers’ performance for most of the WHO drug-use core indicators was similar to findings in other developing countries. The study also revealed overuse of antibiotics for diseases that do not require antibiotics as treatment. Increasing access to guidelines and other clinical job aids, continuous medical education for all health workers and targeted training of health worker cadres without prior medical training will contribute to better prescribing of antibiotics.

Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities of the University of the Witwatersrand Department of Sociology/ Global Labour University, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MA Labour and Development, Labour Policy &Globalization, 2015 / This study investigates the environmental costs of copper mining in a mining Township of Kankoyo in Mufulira, Zambia. It investigates the ways in which the mine workers in this community experience, assess and respond to the pervasive environmental degradation caused by mining operations. The study indicates that the people of Kankoyo have an implied understanding (physical experiences e.g. smoke, dust etc.) of the risks in their environment but lack explicit knowledge (long term effects). Second, the working class are now in an awkward position between participating in activism against the company that pollutes their environment and the need to keep their jobs. Third, experiences with a polluted environment have divided the Kankoyo between those who engage in community mobilisation (the unemployed) and those who don’t because they want to protect their jobs (the mine workers). As experiences take a gender dimension, women tend to suffer more due to the gender roles they play. Fourth, given their helplessness, the people of Kankoyo now plead for social services not in social justice terms but as a compensation for the pollution suffered. The core conclusion is that workers understand environmental threats but: (a) they have little awareness of the long-term effects and (b) they tend to minimise them. For these workers their economic security i.e. employment, is primary and they prioritise the immediate over the longer term, thus (c) they have not responded to this issue in an organised way, rather their unions tend to focus on traditional workplace/pay issues. In addition, state and environmental organisations’ responses are inadequate. Consequently, the community is forced to accept the negative environmental impacts on their lives and the environment. Therefore, the study makes the following arguments: (a) Mineral resource led development in Zambia has failed. Instead, it has led to devastating environmental and health impacts on the nearby communities; (b) that the provision of social services and housing to the mine workers, and revenue to the government only served to divert attention from the long term and ongoing environmental degradation that has taken place overtime. The slug dams, the accumulated dust heaps, leach plants and long term environmental degradation on the copperbelt attest to this; (c) that the corporate policy on housing only served the interests of the mining companies by stabilising the workforce without regard for the arising health impacts; and; (d) privatisation has increased the vulnerability of the working class to environmental costs of mining. In the end, from the shattered hopes of a good life ‘modernisation’ emerges in the words of one respondent a ‘development’ of ‘environmental suffering’, as Kankoyo remains a ‘bomb waiting to explode’. / XL2018

Since the late 1880s, Zambia has been engaged in a repeated series of encounters with Christian renewals. The arrival of Pentecostalism will be viewed as the palpable product of this intensely creative process. Zambian Pentecostalism emerged in continuity with the fruit of European Christian missionary enterprise, but its more contemporary version evolved in spontaneous response to the rise and ministry of influential local Zambian leaders such as Joel Chidzakazi Phiri, prophetess Alice Lenshina, evangelist Dr. Nevers Sekwila Mumba, Winston Broomes, and Jack and Winsome Muggleton. The activities of these key figures led to the formation and prominence of three main church streams across Zambia: Prophetic and Pentecostal-type Pentecostalism, Classical Pentecostalism and Neo-Pentecostalism. The brand of Pentecostalism that emerged in Zambia in the 1940s has been influenced by several theological, cultural, political and social influences. One noticeable feature of Zambian PentecostalCharismatic Churches has been their change in character across the decades from holiness and evangelistic traditions of the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s and 1980s to the faith and prosperity ministry of the 2010s. Pentecostal-Charismatic has become engaged in the public sphere by the early 1990s. A further development since the 2000s has been the prominence of the prophetic and apostolic, which is the combination of teaching mainly from the USA and various strands of previous ministries with an emphasis on miracles, deliverance, prosperity and prophecy.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Anthropology, June 1997. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

<p>The research for this thesis started off as a long academic essay that sought to review a 1970s biography of Kenneth Kaunda.1 In its original focus, the study aimed at evaluating the work on the narrations of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo / s life from a theoretical and critical perspective. Specifically it sought to evaluate the biography for its theoretical and methodological approaches, its attention to issues of sources, archives, narrative and history. In addition, it aimed at locating the biography in relation to debates over biography and history in South Africa. As I began my research for the long essay, it soon became apparent that the biography of Kenneth Kaunda ended its narration in 1964 and yet it was published ten years later in 1974. By ending its &lsquo / coverage&rsquo / of the narrations of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo / s life in 1964, it seemed obvious that its coverage was in many ways similar to his autobiography that was published in 1962.2 The ending of the biography&rsquo / s coverage in 1964 thus seemed rather abrupt as it precluded any representations of the subject in the post 1964 period in which he had become President of Zambia. Kenneth Kaunda was&nbsp / resident of Zambia for nearly three decades (1964-1991) having led the &lsquo / final&rsquo / phase of the nationalist struggle for Independence through the United National Independence Party (UNIP). Surely, I surmised, the meanings of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo / s life as nationalist leader, as presented in most of his biography, would differ from those of him as&nbsp / President? Upon evaluating the biography, it seemed to be a largely chronological and descriptive rather analytical account of the subject&rsquo / s life. However, what made it profound to me was the ways in which it entwined the narratives of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo / s life with the events, dates 1 The biography of Kenneth Kaunda by Fergus Macpherson was the subject of the long essay. See Fergus Macpherson, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia: The Times and the Man (Lusaka: Oxford University Press, 1974). 2 Kenneth D. Kaunda, Zambia Shall Be Free: An Autobiography (London: Heinemann Educational Books&nbsp / td, 1962). and activities of the history of the Zambian nation. Some accounts inadvertently referred to this interconnection by referring to Kenneth Kaunda as the &lsquo / founder of Zambia&rsquo / . My&nbsp / &nbsp / exposure to various other debates around the production of history in the public domain such as through museums and national heritage sites or monuments prompted me to consider undertaking a study of the post-1964 historiography of Kenneth Kaunda. Rather than attempting to fill Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo / s post-1964 historiographical gap with a chronological account of his political life, I wanted to trace the narratives of Kenneth Kaunda&rsquo / s life in connection with the production of history in different domains in Zambia. This thesis thus aims at examining the political auto/biographical narrations of Kenneth Kaunda in relation to the production of nationalist history and national heritage in Zambia in the years following the country&rsquo / s Independence in 1964.4 One of the key questions that this study sought to engage with was: how did the &lsquo / representations&rsquo / of Kenneth Kaunda influence the ways in which Zambia&rsquo / s post-independence nationalist history and national heritage were produced? In seeking to provide an answer to the question, the study evaluated the auto/biography of Kenneth Kaunda itself, as well as how it reflects in the history texts utilised in Zambian schools and in history in the public domain through national heritage sites or monuments and museum exhibitions. The thesis will show that in Zambia, the auto/biography of Kenneth Kaunda has acquired significance through history as school lesson and as history in the public domain, through the production of national heritage sites and museum exhibitions.</p>