Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a comparative study of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Robert Cox’s critical theory is the theoretical framework used in carrying out the study. The particular focus of this thesis falls on the similarities and differences that exist in the two countries regarding the politics of land reform. Both countries share striking similarities, some of which include: In both countries, soon after the advent of democracy the majority of blacks lived in poor marginal areas where the land was/is less productive than the rich and fertile arable land owned by whites. In both countries, the minority whites are richer than the majority native black people; in both countries, land redistribution was a key national goal of the incoming governments immediately after independence; in both countries, land redress did not however happen as immediately as the incoming governments had promised. In Zimbabwe, the process only began some 20 years after independence while in South Africa, it is now 15years since 1994 when the ANC came into power and still, the racially skewed agricultural land ownership patterns are yet to be conclusively addressed. Some of the differences discussed in the study include; the types of governments in the two countries; land reform policies of the two countries; the type of societies as well as the relationship between Zimbabwe’s war veterans to the ZANU PF government. Steps are already underway to redress the distorted land ownership patterns in South Africa but is the process happening quick enough to prevent South Africa from facing the problems associated with inequitable land ownership patterns such as those that were faced by Zimbabwe? Where and how did Zimbabwe get her land redistribution process wrong? What lessons can South Africa learn from the case of Zimbabwe? Chapter two and three of the thesis will provide a general overview of the politics of land in the two countries, while chapter four will show the similarities and differences that exist. Chapter five will conclude by showing the lessons that South Africa can learn from Zimbabwe while also suggesting areas for further study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n vergelykende studie van die politiek van grondhervorming in Zimbabwe en Suid‐Afrika. Robert Cox se Kritiese Teorie is die teoretiese raamwerk wat gebruik word in die uitvoering van die studie. Die tesis fokus spesifiek op die ooreenkomste en verskille van hierdie twee lande wat betref die politiek van grondhervorming. Beide lande deel opvallende ooreenkomste, wat die volgende insluit: Kort na kolonisasie is die meerderheid swart mense in arm agtergeblewe gebiede geplaas, waar die land minder produktief is/was as die ryk en vrugbare akkerland in besit van blankes. In beide lande is die minderheid blankes ryker as die meerderheid inheemse swart mense. In albei lande is die herverdeling van grond 'n belangrike nasionale doelwit van die nuwe regerings onmiddellik na onafhanklikheid. In beide lande het die herverdeling van grond egter nie dadelik plaasgevind soos die nuwe regerings belowe het nie. In Zimbabwe het die proses eers 20 jaar na die land se onafhanklikheid begin. Dit is nou 15 jaar sedert 1994, vandat die ANC in Suid‐Afrika aan bewind gekom het, en nogsteeds is die ongelyke rasverdeelde grondeienaarskappatrone nie finaal aangespreek nie. Sommige van die verskille wat in die studie bespreek word sluit die volgende in: die tipes regeringstelsels wat die twee lande volg; grondhervormingsbeleid van die twee lande; die tipe samelewings, asook die verhouding tussen Zimbabwe se oorlogsveterane en die ZANU PF‐regering. Stappe is reeds geneem vir die regstelling van die ongelyke grondbesitpatrone in Suid‐ Afrika, maar is die proses besig om vinnig genoeg te gebeur om te verhoed dat Suid‐Afrika voor dieselfde uitdagings as Zimbabwe te staan kom? Waar en hoe het Zimbabwe se grondherverdelingproses verkeerd geloop? Watter lesse kan Suid‐Afrika leer uit die geval van Zimbabwe? Hoofstukke twee en drie van die tesis gee 'n algemene oorsig van die politiek van grond in die twee lande, terwyl hoofstuk vier ooreenkomste en verskille wat bestaan aantoon. Hoofstuk vyf sluit af deur aan te dui wat die lesse is wat Suid-afrika van Zimbabwe kan leer.

The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

Text in Afrikaans / This study aims to analyze the conflict resolution process in Zimbabwe after the Lancaster House Agreement and the subsequent elections from March 4, 1980 up until 2002. The objective is to determine what effect this process has had on all the people in Zimbabwe, both nationally and locally. It also endeavours to evaluate their attempts to transform from a violent culture of guerilla warfare, to an all-inclusive sustainable peaceful environment and culture. The reason for this specific time period of the study lies in the fact that the peace building process of the Zimbabwean conflict resolution process was supposed to be introduced during this time. This is the era during which the root of historic conflict, according to the peace building theory, has had to be transformed. It also implies the start of the implementation of the radical land reform process. From this perspective the following 5 key questions form the raison d‟être of the study and will be analyzed in the different chapters: 1. The requirements for sustainable peace, according to the conflict resolution and peace building theory, as developed by Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton and Anstey. 2. The characteristics of the historical conflict structure to be transformed during the post-1980 period. 3. An evaluation of the development of an all inclusive, multi-faceted and integrated program for the transformation of the historical conflict structure. 4. An evaluation of the international managers‟ contributions for laying the foundation for the integration of peace-making and the subsequent phases of the peace building process. It also questions the degree of reconciliation and peace building. 5. The lessons learnt from the Zimbabwean experience and its implications for conflict resolutions and peace implementation processes in Southern African societies. Included in this question is to seek clarification and to develop proposals about the roles and contributions of internal and external role players on all levels of society in such processes. Hence the conclusive finding that conflict resolution and peace building is an integrated multi-dimensional process. This conclusion is confirmed in the Zimbabwean situation. Conflict involves the entanglement of needs, unappeased perceptions and codes of conduct during the period of negotiations. In Zimbabwe the escalation and de-escalation of these influences are clearly observed. The evaluation and manipulation of the history of Zimababwe, of which the manipulation is still continuing, is harming the process of reconciliation and peace building. The absence of an inclusive raison d‟être for all parties involved (regarding differences and diversities on ethnical, social, economical and other levels) implies a strong escalating and de-escalating factor in the irreconcilability in Zimbabwe. The initiation of an integrated and multi-dimensional process, mechanism and framework of reconciliation and peace is strongly advised. This process, mechanism and framework has to have an integrated structure starting at international level (United Nations Peace Building Commission) decentralizing into regional, national, provincial and local government structures. The process and mechanism must be part of the establishment of conflict resolution and peace building as an generic management style and approach aimed at the political and governing processes of societies in transformation. This is especially important for the current Zimbabwean situation. / Die oogmerk van die studie is „n ontleding van die konflikresolusie-proses in Zimbabwe sedert die Lancaster House-ooreenkoms en die daaropvolgende verkiesings van 4 Maart 1980 tot en met die jaar 2002. Die doelstelling is om te bepaal in watter mate en op welke wyse, daar op alle vlakke van die gemeenskap nasionaal en op plaaslike vlak, gepoog is om die geweldskultuur, wat kenmerkend van die guerrilla-oorlog was, te transformeer tot „n volhoubare inklusiewe vredesomgewing en -kultuur. „n Primêre motivering vir die keuse van die bepaalde navorsingstydperk is dat dit veronderstel is om die vredebou-periode van die Zimbabwiese konflikresolusie-proses in te lui. Dit is die era waartydens die bronne van die historiese konflik, ooreenkomstig die vredebou-teorie, getransformeer moes word. Dit sluit ook die era in waartydens die eerste stappe van die radikale grondhervormingsproses geïmplementeer is. In die lig hiervan word die onderstaande 5 kernvraagstukke as raison d‟être van die studie op „n hoofstukbasis ondersoek: 1. Wat is die vereistes vir volhoubare vrede, ooreenkomstig die konflikresolusie- en vredebouteorie soos veral ontwikkel deur Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton en Anstey? 2. Wat was die kenmerke van die historiese konflikstruktuur wat in die post-1980- periode moes transformeer? 3. Het daar in die post-1980-periode „n inklusiewe, multi-vlakkige en geïntegreerde program vir die transformasie van die historiese konflikstruktuur, ontwikkel? 4. Het die internasionale bestuurders van die proses die grondslag gelê vir „n integrering van vredevestiging met die verdere fases van vredebou? In watter mate was versoening en vredebou enigsins „n prioriteit? Indien nie, waarom nie? 5. Watter lesse kan vanuit die Zimbabwiese ervaring geleer word wat kan bydra tot 'n beter begrip van praktiese konflikresolusie en vredebou-implementeringsprosesse in veral Suider-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe? Watter bydraes kan en moet interne en eksterne rolspelers speel? Voortspruitend hieruit word daar ook aanbevelings aan die hand gedoen oor die integrasie van internasionale en nasionale (eerste, tweede en derde vlakke) rolspelers in hierdie verband. Teen hierdie agtergrond word samevattend bevind dat konflikresolusie en vredebou, „n geïntegreerde multi-dimensionele en multi-vlakkige proses is. Vanuit die Zimbabwe situasie word bevind en bevestig dat konflik uit „n geïntegreerde wisselwerking van behoefte- en doel-onversoenbaarheidspersepsies met voort-spruitende konflikterende gesindhede en gedragspatroon-verskynsels, bestaan. Daar word ook aangetoon dat daar duidelike eskalerende en de-eskalerende invloede teenwoordig is. Daar is ook bevind dat die wyse hoe die geskiedenis van Zimbabwe evalueer en hanteer is en steeds word, die bou van versoening en langtermyn vrede benadeel. Die afwesigheid van „n inklusiewe raison d‟être wat alle rolspelers inbind tot een Zimbabwiese sentiment, ten spyte van diepliggende verskille en diversiteite op etniese, stam, sosiale, ekonomiese, klas en ander terreine, is „n sterk eskalerende faktor en gevolg in hierdie verband. Die loodsing van „n diepliggende en veelvlakkige versoeningsproses, sal die identifisering van sódanige sentiment – die aorta van Zimbabwe se konstruktiewe, volhoubare voortbestaan – as primêre samebindende prioriteit moet neem. Teen hierdie agtergrond word „n geïntegreede versoenings- en vredebou meganisme en raamwerk ontwikkel en voorgestel. „n Meganisme en proses wat multi-vlakkige deelname vanaf „n internasionale (United Nations Peace Building Commission) tot en met „n streeks, nasionale, provinsiale en plaaslike fokusvlak, verseker. „n Proses en meganisme wat ook deel uitmaak van die meer prominente vestiging en institusionalisering van konflikresolusie en vredebou as „n generiese bestuurstyl en program in die politieke en regeerprosesse in oorgangsamelewings, maar veral ook in die Zimbabwe situasie. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrika-Politiek)

This study is a contribution to the literature on South Africa's foreign policy since 2000-2004. It provides a theoretical framework within which South Africa's foreign policy should be understood. It attempts to explain the contradictions that have been apparent in South Africa's foreign policy by looking at the constraints inherent in South Africa's position as an emerging middle power. It argues that South Africa's pluralist inclinations are constrained by Africa's evolving multilateral forums and that South Africa's preference for such undermines the realization and achievement of her foreign policy principles and goals. It also argues that as a realist middle power, South Africa is constrained the ambivalence shown by the region towards her exercising leadership in the region. This is due to South Africa's history of destruction in Southern Africa in the 1980's. South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe provides the focal point for the study. The study argues that it is not the case that South Africa is not concerned with human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Instead, this concern has been expressed in ways that do not tarnish South Africa's own image in Africa. This has been done by engaging Zimbabweans through multilateral forums. This study concludes that this strategy failed to bring about resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis.

Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have occupied a prominent role in the development of rural Zimbabwe since the time of its independence in 1980. NGO work in Zimbabwe currently takes place within the context of a tense and fluid political climate, an economy struggling to recover from crisis, international skepticism toward long-term donor investment in development, and global expectations about the methodologies and accountability measures carried out in intervention-based development work. In the light of the participatory methodologies and empowerment-based development frameworks that dominate the current global expectations for work within the NGO sector, this thesis focuses on the work of one particular NGO working in Zimbabwe, namely, World Vision. The main objective of the thesis is to understand and explain the participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe (with particular reference to Umzingwane District) and, in doing so, to deepen the theoretical understanding of NGOs as constituting a particular organizational form. World Vision is a large-scale international NGO that has a pronounced presence in Zimbabwe and it is specifically active in Umzingwane District in Matabeleland South Province. The thesis argues that NGOs exist within a complex and tense condition entailing continuous responses to pressures from donors and states that structure their survival. Ultimately, in maneuvering through such pressures, NGOs tend to choose directions which best enable their own sustainability, often at the cost of the deep participatory forms that may heighten the legitimacy of their roles. World Vision Zimbabwe responds to donor trends, national and local expectations of the state and its own organizational expectations by building local government capacity in order to maintain the longevity and measureable outputs of its projects. In doing so, it redefines the concept of participation in pursuing efficient and practical approaches to ‘getting things done’. This compromises deep participatory methodologies and, in essence, alters the practices involved in participatory forms in order to maintain World Vision’s own organizational sustainability and presence in Zimbabwe.

The thesis seeks to understand how emerging communities borne out of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe have been able to ensure social cohesion and social service provision using farm level institutions. The Fast Track Programme brought together people from diverse backgrounds into new communities in the former commercial farming areas. The formation of new communities meant that, often, there were 'stranger households'living next to each other. Since 2000, these people have been involved in various processes aimed at turning clusters of homesteads into functioning communities through farm level institutions. Fast track land reform precipitated economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe characterised by a rapidly devaluating Zimbabwean dollar, enormous inflation and high unemployment figures. This economic crisis has impacted heavily on new farmers who find it increasingly difficult to afford inputs and access loans. They have formed social networks in response to these challenges, taking the form of farm level institutions such as farm committees, irrigation committees and health committees. The study uses case studies from small-scale 'A1 farmers‘ in Mazowe district which is in Mashonaland Central Province. It employs qualitative methodologies to enable a nuanced understanding of associational life in the new communities. Through focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, narratives, key informant interviews and institutional mapping the study outlines the formation, taxonomy, activities, roles, internal dynamics and social organisation of farm level institutions. The study also uses secondary data collected in 2007-08 by the Centre for Rural Development in the newly resettled areas in Mazowe. The major finding of the study is that farmers are organising in novel ways at grassroots levels to meet everyday challenges. These institutional forms however are internally weak, lacking leadership with a clear vision and they appear as if they are transitory in nature. They remain marginalised from national and global processes and isolated from critical connections to policy makers at all levels; thus A1 farmers remain voiceless and unable to have their interests addressed. Farm level institutions are at the forefront of the microeconomics of survival among these rural farmers. They are survivalist in nature and form, and this requires a major shift in focus if they are to be involved in developmental work. The institutions remain fragmented and compete amongst themselves for services from government without uniting as A1 farmers with similar interests and challenges.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.

Thesis (DTech (Marketing))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013. / During the past few decades, nation branding has emerged as one of the key strategies for national economic development. Many nations across the world, both developed and developing, have embraced the concept as they compete against each other for export markets, foreign direct investment, tourists, scarce human resources and international leverage and influence. Nation branding has now become one of the critical drivers for country differentiation and the creation of sustainable competitive advantages for nations. This thesis explores the concept of nation branding and investigates its applicability to Zimbabwe, a country which has been riddled with various socio-economic and political challenges during the past two decades. The main purpose of the thesis was to develop a model that can be used to re-brand Zimbabwe. This research study adopted a mixed-methods approach through the amalgamation of both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. A survey questionnaire was administered to respondents who included Zimbabweans as well as people who are not Zimbabwean citizens. The qualitative phase of the research study consisted of depth interviews with various branding practitioners, managers in both the private and public sectors and academics inside and outside of Zimbabwe. Four summarised case studies were also carried out in order to draw lessons from cases of successful and unsuccessful nation branding programmes in different parts of the world. According to the research findings, Zimbabwe has a negative image on the global map. The country needs to be re-branded and the majority of Zimbabweans are willing to be part of this process. However, for the re-branding initiative to be successful there should be a comprehensive transformation of the country's socio-political, economic and legal systems in order to create an enabling environment that is conducive for the effective application of nation branding strategies. The findings further reinforce the notion that re-branding should be part of a broader national economic development strategy for the country. The thesis concludes with the propagation of two models viz, the transformative process model for the re-branding of Zimbabwe and the re-branding as a transformative learning process model.

This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.