Texte extrait de: Dissertatio--Facultas historiae ecclesiasticae--Pontificia universitas Gregoriana, 2007.

Diss.--Bremen, 1999. / Résumé en anglais. Bibliogr. p. 239-246.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1981. / Vita. Bibliography: leaves [260]-266.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-272).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1995. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [228]-248).

nÃo hà / Esta pesquisa tem como intuito reconstruir as ideias, o pensamentoe a trajetÃria intelectual daescritora colombiana Soledad Acosta de Samper (1833-1913). AtravÃs da anÃlise dos textos publicados e escritos pela autora narevistaLa Mujer,quefundou e dirigiu entre 1879 e 1881,doseu DiÃrio Ãntimo,que escreveu entre 1853 e 1855, e das suas primeiras contribuiÃÃesnos jornais Biblioteca de SeÃoritase El Mosaico, este trabalho pretende descobrira visÃo que tinha Acosta de Samper sobre o papel da mulher no estabelecimento da naÃÃocolombianae na configuraÃÃo das repÃblicas na AmÃrica HispÃnica. Baseadana noÃÃo de sistema literÃrio, proposta por Antonio Candido, e na teoria geral dos campos de Pierre Bourdieu, esta pesquisa tambÃm explica o contexto social e cultural em quecircularam as ideiasda autora.Nesse sentido, aabordagem do trabalho està orientada pela micro-histÃria, pois busca avaliar o indivÃduo em suas redes de relaÃÃes com outros indivÃduos. / Esta investigaciÃn tiene como objetivo reconstruir las ideas, el pensamiento y la trayectoria intelectual de la escritora colombiana Soledad Acosta de Samper (1833-1913). A partir del anÃlisis de los textos publicados por la autora en la revista La Mujer, que fundà y dirigià entre 1879 y 1881, de su Diario Ãntimo, que escribià entre 1853 y 1855, y de sus primeras contribuciones en los periÃdicos Biblioteca de SeÃoritas y El Mosaico, este trabajo pretende descubrir la visiÃn que tenÃa Acosta de Samper sobre el papel de la mujer en el establecimiento de la naciÃn colombiana y en la configuraciÃn de las repÃblicas en AmÃrica HispÃnica. Con base en la nociÃn de sistema literario, propuesta por Antonio Candido, y en la teorÃa general de los campos de Pierre Bourdieu, esta investigaciÃn tambiÃn explica el contexto social y cultural en el que circularon las ideas de la autora. En ese sentido, el abordaje del trabajo està orientado por la microhistoria, pues se busca evaluar al individuo en sus redes de relaciones con otros individuos.

The purpose of this article is to establish a textual parallel between Hunter S. Thompson`s Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas and Ernest Hemingway`s Green Hills of Africa. Thompson took Hemingway’s novel as a challenge to write under extreme duress. Thompson twisted many passages from Green Hills to fit his own text. He used bitter irony to translate Hemingway`s text into his own “Gonzo” reportage. Thompson`s friend and traveling companion, Oscar Z. Acosta, is used as an example of how Thompson rewrote Hemingway. Acosta`s Autobiography of a Brown Buffalo is referenced as the nexus of the two novels, making Acosta the primary focus of Thompson`s rewrite. These men, their methods, and their works fit together under Thompson`s pen. Hemingway`s religious, racial, and bestial imagery are included in Thompson`s narrative. However, these images are made ironic and do not plagiarize the original copy.

Ecuador was ‘refounded’ at the turn of the 21st century, with the articulation of progressive and inclusive ideals in a new Constitution. Social movements and leftist intellectuals in Ecuador have expressed that president Rafael Correa has failed to uphold the 2008 Constitution’s goals and values. President Correa and his Alianza PAIS government have utilized the rhetoric of the revolutionary ideals articulated in the Constitution, but in practice, they have continued to implement the status quo Western development model, and a large part of their development strategy involves ‘neo-extractive’ activities. Hydroelectric energy production is contributing to the ‘neo-extractive’ development model in Ecuador, and its implementation has often violated Constitutional rights. This thesis is an analysis of natural resource extraction in Ecuador and its social repercussions, with a focus on hydroelectric energy production. It is shown that the hydroelectric industry in Ecuador is not as “clean,” sustainable, or non-extractive as it is purported to be, through a case study of the San José del Tambo hydroelectric project and the exploration of an international support for hydroelectric extractivism, the United Nations Clean Development Mechanism, and its misleading framing of extractive projects as “sustainable development.” Social movements in Ecuador are acting to reverse the perversion of their originally revolutionary ideals, and to implement a post-extractive model informed by those revolutionary ideals.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Études ibériques et ibéro-américaines--Rouen, 1998. / En appendice, "De los moriscos de España" / père Ignacio de las Casas, 1605-1607, et choix de fac-similés de documents, 1574-1768. Bibliogr. p. 645-664. Index.

The present project draws on recent work in philosophy--primarily that of Alain Badiou--in order to re-conceptualize the concepts of "citizen," "citizenship" and "nation." I aim to recuperate the notion of universal citizenship and reframe the immigration debate in the U.S. by proposing a conception of citizenship that does not rely on identity or state recognition. I define the citizen as a collective subject made up of anyone who in a given juridico-political situation transforms that situation on the basis of an affirmation of equality. I propose that citizenship, to the extent that it transforms the basic organizational coordinates of a situation, is itself on the border of legality/illegality. In chapter one, I theorize universal citizenship as an egalitarian democratic act foundational of a new order and, drawing on Habermas (1995) and Hobsbawm (1992), identify in the French Revolution two articulations of the relationship between citizenship and nation: one that sees nation as pre-existing and determining citizenship, and another that takes citizenship to be constitutive of nation. I argue that these conceptions still underpin competing understandings of politics today, especially with regard to the role of identity in politics. In chapter two, I analyze the confluence between the criminalization of undocumented immigration in the U.S. and neoliberal governmentality. I argue that a politics thought from the perspective of the undocumented immigrant also points to the necessity of affirming a political logic over economic imperatives. I claim that the 2006 immigrant rights protests in the U.S. can be understood as instances of universal citizenship to the extent that they included undocumented people and thus challenged a statist distinction foundational of U.S. political order: the difference between citizen and non-citizen as regulating access to the legal right to act politically. In the last chapter, I read Oscar Zeta Acosta's The Revolt of the Cockroach People as proposing a generic, and thus non-identitarian and universalistic, conception of the political collective in the very category of "cockroach." I highlight the ways in which it resonates with the revolutionary idea of nation identified by Hobsbawm and Habermas.