In An Image of Africa, Chinua Achebe indicts Conrad’s Heart of Darkness for exemplifying the kind of purist rhetoric that has long benefited Western ontology while propagating reductive renderings of African experience. Edward Said refers to this dynamic as the way in which societies define themselves contextually against an imagined Other. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s fiction exposes how, by occupying cultural dominance, Western, white male values are normalized as universal. Nevertheless, these values are de-naturalized by their inconsistencies in the lived experiences of Adichie’s black, African women. Women who are at once aware of and participant in, the pretentions that underlie social interaction—pointing to the inevitability of performativity and disrupting the illusion of pure identity. These realizations interrupt Conrad’s essentialist conception of identity and reclaim diverse ontological possibilities for the Other.

Mining as a historical male-dominated space is confronted by various transformational structural changes. While the racial composition of mining boards has improved, gender representation of women in boards is problematic. Owing to our historical legacy of apartheid and decades of colonialism, South Africa became a victim of an unequal society. The new political dispensation under the leadership of Nelson Mandela sought to redress those inequalities after the fall of apartheid in 1994. However, gender inequalities and the gender subject remain contentious issues, particularly in historically male-dominated sectors such as mining. With legislation enforcement, only a few mining companies have improved the representation of women on boards (WoB), while some companies remain with no women or only one woman on board. However, despite the atrocities of apartheid, South African mining sector is relatively performing better in terms of WoB than countries that were not exposed to such a discriminatory dispensation. Yet still, mining lags far behind compared to other industries in South Africa. This outlook led me to conduct a multiple cross-case analysis research study to explore how women were integrated into mining by reviewing talent management practices used to appoint women (and men) by exploring recruitment, development and retention practices. I adopted an emancipatory critical research approach, a feminist epistemological paradigm, and I considered African feminism a suitable research approach given the unique context of South African mining history. The results showed that the industry still faces gender structural inequalities guided by an indoctrinated mindset of the sector, and that it is still to a great extent racially biased. While most focus of talent management is directed at recruiting more women, men still control recruitment, which is biased and informal, and different or stringent recruitment criteria are applied for women. Even though women occupy a few board seats and exceed the critical mass in some boards, they still face change-resistant attitudes and stereotypes and a double glass ceiling in terms of who has a right of voice, which disregarded their talent. All women regardless of race, were subject to stereotypes, but dealt with them differently. I found that black women are more affected than any other racial group due to their social identities, facing triple oppression due to their gender and race, but also class, which affects their confidence and their talent offering to board responsibilities. In fear of marginalisation, the black women in my study felt that they needed to earn the trust of men, especially those of white men. White, Indian and 1coloured women who were affected by gender stereotypes were silent about those prejudices, but were also still discriminated against with fewer board opportunities. The effectiveness of training and development of directors and retention was hindered by the culture in mining, individual constructed identities and societal gender constructions of roles and responsibilities. These constructions undermined the talent of women in boards and constructed the talent of men as superior. / Thesisi ye e fa tlhahlobo ye e tseneletšego ya ditirišo tša taolo ya talente ka dikhamphaning tše tshela tša meepo tša go ngwadišwa le JSE ka Afrika Borwa. E nyakišiša gobaneng talente ya mosadi e hlokomologilwe, le gore gobaneng basadi ba tšwela pele go ba palo ye nnyane mo dibotong le ge e le gore molao wa Afrika Borwa o thekga tekatekano ya bong le gore tokafatšo ya taba (business case) e hlatsetšwe go ya ka tirišo. Mokgwatlwaelo wa basadi wa Afrika o šomišwa ka go kopantšha mokgwa wa maemo a magareng woo o lebantšhago go kopano ya morafe le bong. Tšhomišo ya mokgwatlwaelo wa basadi wa Afrika gape e dira teori seemo sa go ithuta bong go ya ka mabaka a moswananoši gomme mo tabeng ye, intasteri ye e tletšego ka banna ka nageng ya morago ga kgatelelo le morago ga kgethollo. Dipoelo di bontšhitše gore intasteri e lebana le diphapano tša sebopego tša bong tše di hlahlwago ke maikutlo ao a tsentšwego a lekala, le le sa ntšego le tšea lehlakore go ya ka morafe. Komiti ya ditšhišinyo e tletše ka thwalo ya taolo ya banna, yeo e tšeago lehlakore ebile e se ya semmušo, gomme dikriteria tša go fapana tša thwalo di a šomišwa go basadi. Basadi ka moka go sa šetšwe morafe, ba be ba lebana le ditlwaedi, eupša ba be ba šogana le tšona ka go fapana. Basadi ba bathobaso ba sa ntše ba lebana le kgatelelo ya go menagana gararo ya go amana le bong bja bona, morafe, le boemo. Ka go tšhoga nyenyefatšo, basadi ba Bathobaso ba be ba nyaka tumelelo go banna, kudu ya banna ba Bathobašweu. Basadi ba Bathobašweu, Bathobaso, Maindia le Bammala ba be ba sa bolele ka dikgethollo, eupša gape ba be ba sa ntše ba gatelelwa kgahlanong le menyetla e se mekae ya boto. Katlego ya tlhahlo le tlhabollo ya balaodibagolo le kganetšo di šitišitšwe ke setšo sa meepo, maitšhupo ao a bopilwego a go ikgetha le dibopego tša bong tša setšhaba tša dikarolo le maikarabelo. Dibopego tše di nyaditše talente ya basadi ka dibotong gomme di bopile talente ya banna go ba ya maemo a godimo. Nyakišišo ye e kgatha tema go dingwalo tša tirišo tša basadi mo dibotong ka go nyakišiša mašomelo a taolo ya talente – a selo se se hlokomologilwego basading mo dinyakišišong tša diboto. E hlaloša ka fao basadi ba thwalwago, hlahlelwago maemo a boto le go hlaloša hlokomologo ya go tsenela taolo ya talente. / Business Management / Ph. D. (Management Studies)

This study aimed to explore how gender is constructed, negotiated and enacted in the customary practice of lobolo. Lobolo, sometimes incorrectly referred to as bridewealth or dowry is a practice that centres around the transference of wealth from the groom or a groom’s family to the bride’s family towards the formalisation of marriage. Framed within an African-centred feminist approach I analyse, through narrative discursive analysis, how 27 men and women ages 27 -71, from Johannesburg and Cape Town account for gender and power dynamics in their narratives of participating in lobolo. The African-centred feminist approach I employ critically engages with historical as well as present-day reproductions of patriarchy, capitalism, heteronormativity and other mechanisms of exclusion that are perpetuated through the cultural practice of lobolo. I show how masculinities and femininities are constituted, negotiated and disputed in the narratives of men and women who have participated in lobolo. By employing an African-centered feminist approach I show how gendered dynamics within the practice are shaped by historical and contemporary social, political and economic factors which enable and constrain the exercise of power in various ways. By exploring lobolo through an African-centered feminist narrative approach I demonstrate how the process is more than simply a transference of wealth but rather a complex practice that is used as an apparatus to exercise and expand power in the different stages of the lobolo process. Within this African-centered feminist approach, I argue that lobolo functions to legitimise particular gender positions that can be adopted through marriage; but it can also be used to challenge and contest these roles. The findings of this study suggested that the different stages and process of lobolo reflect a gendered script, which determines the position that men and women are able to adopt, and that this script sets the parameters for the ways in which these roles may be enacted. I find also that the meanings and descriptions of lobolo are embedded within, and reproduce gendered identities but that these identities are not fixed but rather are constantly renegotiated. I conclude that lobolo is not only a custom for formalising marriages but also a tool used by men and women to perform a range of sometimes contradictory functions, including at times establishing and strengthening hegemonic masculinities and femininities but at other times challenging and dismantling these. / Psychology / Ph. D. (Psychology)