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Cooperation and conflict in bi-ethnic or dual societies : the development of French-Canadian and Afrikaner nationalismDe Volder, Guido (Guido Michel) January 1985 (has links)
No description available.
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Die estetiese konkretisering van herinneringe in die konseptuele installasiekuns van Willem Boshoff / Magritha Christiana SwanepoelSwanepoel, Magritha Christiana January 2011 (has links)
This study focuses on the way in which Willem Boshoff aesthetically con-cretized the historical memories of Afrikaners and their influence on their notion of power and identity formation. For this purpose a selection was made of Boshoff’s language-based conceptual installations. During the colonial and apartheid eras South Africa had a long history, which was characterized by people in power who encountered other population groups from a vantage point of superiority implying subjection. This implied that the particular in-terests of the people in power were generalized across the whole of society and imposed on all population groups as generalized interests. Where the in-dividual interests did not correspond to the general interests of society in its totality, the interests of the individual were negated and ignored. It can there-fore be stated that the utopia of those in power became the proverbial hell of the other.
The study emanates from Ricoeur’s plea for a critical and imaginative en-counter with history so that other perspectives on traumatic events can be developed. Such an approach creates the possibility of opening up the unreal-ized promises of the past for the present and leading to the future. It further proceeds from the assumption that if we are faithful to the past, we will also be faithful to “the more” of the past or that which transcends the past. My ap-proach is in line with that of Verbeeck, who – tying in with Ricoeur – ad-vocated an anachronistic encounter with and interpretation of history.
What is meant by aesthetic concretization in this study is that Willem Boshoff conceptually expresses his artistic interpretation and visual manifestation of philosophical ideas on Afrikaners’ memories of power and identity. He makes real (real-ises) and gives shape to these philosophical ideas. For this purpose three dates in the historical narratives of Afrikaners were selected, which had an important impact on Afrikaners’ notions of power and identity formation:
31 May 1902 –The end of the Anglo-Boer War and the demise of the Boer Republics and the freedom of Afrikaners;
31 May 1961 – The formation of the Republic of South Africa under the leadership of the National Party, and 27 April 1994 – The first democratic elections in South Africa, and the Afrikaners’ total loss of power.
The reading and interpretation of Boshoff’s installations were undertaken with-in the framework of Adorno’s dialectical distinction in his aesthetic theory be-tween the Inhalt and the Gehalt of works of art. Adorno regards everything that appears in the work of art, viz. everything that the artist gives form to, as Inhalt [content]. Gehalt, on the other hand, refers to the truth content of works of art, which according to him resides in the specific negation [German: bestimmte Negation] of the untruth of an inhuman society.
For Adorno bestimmte Negation signifies a break both with that which exists [in other words a negation of the predominance of a false reality] and with the continuity between the present and the future [the salvation of the moment or element which holds promise of something, which goes beyond that which exists, and refers to something better]. In Adorno’s view works of art are tho-roughly historically determined. According to Adorno the history of society is sedimented in the material, the constellations and the form elements of works of art. What is meant by this is that the artistic material which an artist [in this study Boshoff] utilizes, is not only words, pigments, or rock, but is everything that is pre-formed by history that the artist uses. Because history sediments in the material and because the material of a work of art is taken from reality, but in a fragmented fashion, the work of art becomes a monad – that is auto-nomous and windowless, because the work of art, apparantly, has no links to or relationships with recognizable reality or with other works of art.
I argue that the exposé of the memories of Afrikaners of cultural and political domination, with historical narratives as a source, and the influence of these on their visions of power and identity, offers a framework for the reading and interpretation of selected installations. In these selected installations, Boshoff offers immanent criticism of the above unequal power relations and con-comitant views of identity. Through striving for the harmonious and the good as ethical and aesthetic principles in his installations focused on social inter-action, he makes a contribution to the creation of a more humanitarian society. / Thesis (PhD (Art History))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012
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Die estetiese konkretisering van herinneringe in die konseptuele installasiekuns van Willem Boshoff / Magritha Christiana SwanepoelSwanepoel, Magritha Christiana January 2011 (has links)
This study focuses on the way in which Willem Boshoff aesthetically con-cretized the historical memories of Afrikaners and their influence on their notion of power and identity formation. For this purpose a selection was made of Boshoff’s language-based conceptual installations. During the colonial and apartheid eras South Africa had a long history, which was characterized by people in power who encountered other population groups from a vantage point of superiority implying subjection. This implied that the particular in-terests of the people in power were generalized across the whole of society and imposed on all population groups as generalized interests. Where the in-dividual interests did not correspond to the general interests of society in its totality, the interests of the individual were negated and ignored. It can there-fore be stated that the utopia of those in power became the proverbial hell of the other.
The study emanates from Ricoeur’s plea for a critical and imaginative en-counter with history so that other perspectives on traumatic events can be developed. Such an approach creates the possibility of opening up the unreal-ized promises of the past for the present and leading to the future. It further proceeds from the assumption that if we are faithful to the past, we will also be faithful to “the more” of the past or that which transcends the past. My ap-proach is in line with that of Verbeeck, who – tying in with Ricoeur – ad-vocated an anachronistic encounter with and interpretation of history.
What is meant by aesthetic concretization in this study is that Willem Boshoff conceptually expresses his artistic interpretation and visual manifestation of philosophical ideas on Afrikaners’ memories of power and identity. He makes real (real-ises) and gives shape to these philosophical ideas. For this purpose three dates in the historical narratives of Afrikaners were selected, which had an important impact on Afrikaners’ notions of power and identity formation:
31 May 1902 –The end of the Anglo-Boer War and the demise of the Boer Republics and the freedom of Afrikaners;
31 May 1961 – The formation of the Republic of South Africa under the leadership of the National Party, and 27 April 1994 – The first democratic elections in South Africa, and the Afrikaners’ total loss of power.
The reading and interpretation of Boshoff’s installations were undertaken with-in the framework of Adorno’s dialectical distinction in his aesthetic theory be-tween the Inhalt and the Gehalt of works of art. Adorno regards everything that appears in the work of art, viz. everything that the artist gives form to, as Inhalt [content]. Gehalt, on the other hand, refers to the truth content of works of art, which according to him resides in the specific negation [German: bestimmte Negation] of the untruth of an inhuman society.
For Adorno bestimmte Negation signifies a break both with that which exists [in other words a negation of the predominance of a false reality] and with the continuity between the present and the future [the salvation of the moment or element which holds promise of something, which goes beyond that which exists, and refers to something better]. In Adorno’s view works of art are tho-roughly historically determined. According to Adorno the history of society is sedimented in the material, the constellations and the form elements of works of art. What is meant by this is that the artistic material which an artist [in this study Boshoff] utilizes, is not only words, pigments, or rock, but is everything that is pre-formed by history that the artist uses. Because history sediments in the material and because the material of a work of art is taken from reality, but in a fragmented fashion, the work of art becomes a monad – that is auto-nomous and windowless, because the work of art, apparantly, has no links to or relationships with recognizable reality or with other works of art.
I argue that the exposé of the memories of Afrikaners of cultural and political domination, with historical narratives as a source, and the influence of these on their visions of power and identity, offers a framework for the reading and interpretation of selected installations. In these selected installations, Boshoff offers immanent criticism of the above unequal power relations and con-comitant views of identity. Through striving for the harmonious and the good as ethical and aesthetic principles in his installations focused on social inter-action, he makes a contribution to the creation of a more humanitarian society. / Thesis (PhD (Art History))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012
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Conformity and conflict : Afrikaner nationalist politics in South Africa, 1948-1961Lazar, John January 1988 (has links)
One of the principal themes of this thesis is that it is incorrect to treat "Afrikanerdom" as a monolithic, unified ethnic entity. At the time of its election victory in 1948, the National Party (NP) represented an alliance of various factions and classes, all of whom perceived their Interests in different ways. Given, too, that black resistance to exploitation and oppression increased throughout the 1950s, apartheid ideology cannot be viewed as an immutable, uncontested blueprint, which was stamped by the NP on to a static political situation. The thesis is based on four main strands of research. It is grounded, firstly, in a detailed analysis of Afrikaner social stratification during the 1950s. The political implications of the rapid increase in the number of Afrikaners employed in "white-collar" occupations, and the swift economic expansion of the large Afrikaner corporations, are also examined. The second strand of research examines the short-term political problems which faced the nationalist alliance in the years following its slim victory in the 1948 election. Much of the NP's energy during its first five years in office was spent on consolidating its precarious hold on power, rather than on the imposition of a "grand" ideological programme. Simultaneously, however, intense discussions - and conflicts - concerning the long-term implications, goals and justifications of apartheid were taking place amongst Afrikaner intellectuals and clergymen. A third thrust of the thesis will be to examine the way in which these conflicts concretely shaped the ultimate direction of apartheid policy and ideology. Nationalist politics was also affected by the legacy of the aggressive Christian-Nationalism of the 1930s. The final main task of the thesis is to trace how and why the key tenets of Christian-Nationalism - especially those pertaining to republicanism and education - developed after 1948.
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The subversive Afrikaner an exploration into the subversive stance of the little magazine Stet (1982-1991) /Deysel, Jurgens Johannes Human January 2007 (has links)
Thesis (MA(Visual Arts))-University of Pretoria, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.
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The impact of Christian education on the Zuid-Afrikaansche RepubliekOliver, Erna 31 March 2005 (has links)
The study focuses on the influence of Christian based education on the building of the Afrikaner nation. The children settling with their parents in the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR) after the Great Trek all received Christian based education. The unique way in which both the country and the nation developed was the result of Christian based education. It had a direct influence on the development and functioning of the ZAR resulting in the forming of a Christian country with a Christian based constitution and Christian based laws. Christianity and Christian based education also influenced the social lives, culture and worldview of the people living in the ZAR, leaving a permanent mark on the Afrikaner nation.
The stern Calvinistic religion, together with the influences of early Pietism and the worldview of the Romanticism as well as the traditional Christian based education brought from the Netherlands, all worked together to mould the Afrikaners into a unique nation. Religion was the one outstanding factor that determined all aspects of the lives of the Afrikaners, from their character and worldview to their way of speech and the standard of education given to the children. The goal of all education was to enable children to study the Bible - the Handbook to Life - and to become members of the Church.
Their faith in and commitment to the Lord, was the force that kept the Afrikaners a unique nation with a strong character despite the extreme living conditions and changing circumstances through which they lived in the short years of the existence of the ZAR. The people living in the ZAR were the carriers of the influence of the Christian based education and the stories of their lives bear witness to the impact their education had on the development of the country and the nation. The legacy of Christian based education, as it was used in the ZAR, is still alive in the hearts and minds of Afrikaners today.
The focus of the thesis made it necessary to use material from several different academic fields. Aspects of South African Church history, the general and political history of South Africa and the ZAR, the history regarding the development of education, as well as the social and cultural history of the Afrikaner nation were brought together to give a picture of the impact that Christian based education had on the ZAR.
The historical-critical method is used, in order to establish what really happened and to show its significance, both in the historical context and in the present situation. The theoretical framework being used is didactical theological. / Chr Spirit, ChurchHist, Miss / DTH (CHURCH HISTORY)
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Geprivatiseerde onderwys en die AfrikanervolkstreweVan Heerden, Pieter Willem Adriaan 17 November 2014 (has links)
M.Ed. (Educational Management) / Please refer to full text to view abstract
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Die rol van die verligtes in die Nasionale Party in die politieke ontmagtiging van die Afrikaner, 1966-1994 (Afrikaans)Van Wyk, Annie Helena 18 October 2005 (has links)
Dissentient Afrikaner nationalist, who since 1949 expressed their dissatisfaction with the policy of apartheid, set the tone for the subsequent era of enlightened political thought. In 1966, during the Vorster-era, discontent with the apartheid ideology manifested with the battle between the verkramptes (ultra-conservative) andverligtes (enlightened) within the National Party. The verligtes favoured an approach of cooperation and co-existence en therefore supported the outward-policy and reforms of Vorster. Vorster’s style of government, the political situation (Soweto-uprisings) and economic realities, contributed to increased support for the I>verligtes. This also strengthened their position and enabled them to apply pressure to the government that led to far-reaching consequences for apartheid, including the opening up of amenities and the appointment of the Erika Theron, Wiehahn and Riekert Commissions. Up until 1984, P.W. Botha supported and promoted the ideals of theverligtes. He, together with the verligtes expanded on the idea of coexistence to also include elements of participation, joint decisionmaking and power sharing (tri-cameral parliament), all of which excluded blacks. The influence of the verligtes became more consolidated despite the increasing alienation between them and Botha. They no longer shared Botha’s view of the Afrikaner as the sole centre of political influence and power. They believed negotiations with the blacks (ANC) to be an essential element of any process aimed at establishing a democratic dispensation in South Africa. Due to the eruption of black resistance in 1984, coupled with a slump in economy and increasing foreign pressure on the government, enlightened elements within the National Party became increasingly frustrated with the slow pace of reform. All of this led to the rise of the new nats who clearly stated their demands for reform in the media and who would henceforth have an indelible influence on politics. New nats engaged in behind-the-scenes discussions with the ANC which paved the way for negotiations. As pragmatist, F.W. de Klerk could not ignore the increasing demands for comprehensive reforms by the verligtes and the new nats. He succeeded in unifying these two factions within the National Party, who subsequently adopted the ideological position and political aims of the new nats and were known as the verligtes. The 1990s heralded the era of negotiations for a new democratic political dispensation in South Africa. De Klerk and the verligtes did not share the same objectives in terms of the intended outcome of the negotiations. De Klerk wanted to ensure continued white political supremacy, while the verligtes believed that the ANC’s numerical superiority would necessarily lead to a government dominated by the majority. Initially, the verligtes would allow themselves to be swept along by De Klerk in his efforts to ensure a power-sharing agreement, which made provision for protection of minority rights. They were, however, forced to a paradigm shift due to pressure resulting from political, economic and demographic realities. These divergent goals resulted in a transitional democratic constitution characterised by many shortcomings. As a direct result of these, the verligtes contributed to the political disempowerment of the Afrikaner since 1994. / Dissertation (MHCS (History))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted
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A psychobiographical study of Ralph John RabieUys, Hendrick Michael Grobler January 2010 (has links)
Psychobiographies use psychological theory as a paradigm within which to re-awaken an individual’s life story. The psychobiographical approach historically tended to be neglected within the South African context. The aim of the current study was to explore and describe the life of Ralph John Rabie through the use of psychobiography. Ralph John Rabie (1960 – 2002) was a South African Afrikaans singer-songwriter, journalist and playwright, also known as Johannes Kerkorrel. He challenged the cultural system and the government and was arguably the most prominent member of the Alternative Afrikaans Movement until his suicide on 12 November 2002. To some he betrayed the identity of post-apartheid Afrikanerdom and to others he became an icon in the homosexual community. No existing literature to date has adopted a psychological stance on this controversial South African figure. His own writings and published material by others were utilized to illuminate his life and its many dimensions. Richard C. Schwartz’s Internal Family Systems Model (1995) was used to analyze the multiplicity and inner workings of Rabie’s personality. The influence of external systems is also discussed. The data collection and analysis were conducted according to Yin’s (1994) analytic generalization, which consists of using theoretical guidelines as a framework to select relevant data and develop a matrix as a descriptive framework for organizing and integrating the data. Alexander’s (1988) nine proposed guidelines assisted in the process of data analysis, together with the Internal Family Systems Model (1995). The findings of the study indicate that subpersonalities in different roles could be identified in Rabie’s life as described by Schwartz (1995). The different subpersonalities interacted with each other and assumed roles to protect Rabie. The findings of the study also indicated that these subpersonalities used stories to obtain power and influence within Rabie’s personality structure. The subpersonalities were successful in making Rabie influential and famous within the Afrikaans music industry and they helped Rabie change rigid Afrikaans cultural beliefs that were present within the Apartheid system. The findings further indicate how important it is for subpersonalities to work together and how a fragmented system is difficult to contain.
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Afrikanerselfbeskikking : strategiese opsiesLiebenberg, Johannes Stefanis 11 September 2012 (has links)
D.Litt. et Phil. / The new constitutional dispensation which came into being in 1994 rendered the Afrikaner people politically powerless in a numerically black dominated one-man-one-votewinner-takes-all system. In the face of a state policy bent on nation building and averse to minority rights, the need for a strategy to recapture their right to self-determination arises. Self-determination may vary from corporate/cultural rights to internal autonomy, to complete political independence in a sovereign territorial state. With selfdetermination in one form or another as objective, the next question is whether the Afrikaner has the will to survive. The Afrikaner is a divided people and the will to reassert itself seems dormant. However, there are increasing signs of a reawakening nationalism. Part of a strategy for selfdetermination should therefore be directed at reviving and mobilising the Afrikaner's will and ethnic patriotism. Economic empowerment is also necessary as part of the means to enforce its will and achieve its objectives. Strategy is largely based on values. An analysis of African and Western orientated Afrikaner values reveals serious differences in, inter alia, reality, economic and religious perceptions. This can become a motivating force for reasserting Afrikaner self-determination. Strategy entails imposing one's will on an adversary. No strategy is needed where there is no resistance or opposition. There are a variety of options for exerting coercion in order to force the opposition to comply with a freedom movement's demands for self-determination. A number of options can be proffered. Not all are equally appropriate or politic. Circumstances should dictate the choice. Some of these options are: The so-called soft option. This entails convincing the opponent that it would be also in his own interest to accede to the freedom movement's demands and, conversely, to his detriment to oppose those demands. The psychological or propaganda option, using methods of psychological persuasion to undermine the opposition's morale and encourage one's own people. It also serves to mobilise international opinion . which is becoming more sympathetic to ethnic demands for self-determination. The cybernetic option, utilising information technology and cyberspace as a weapon against the opposition and to enhance one's own organisation and empowerment. Physical violence as used by revolutionary forces, urban guerillas and other terrorists. This could be counter productive because innocent people are often targeted and even killed. These options may be exercised individually or in conjunction with each other.
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