This Thesis is a local study employing new definitions of political activism and using oral histories, personal records and organizational archived material to debunk the myth that the feminist struggle surrounding the Equal Rights Amendment was separate from issues of race. Black women were involved in the fight for the ERA although not necessarily in the ways that White men and women might expect. Additionally, even when not obviously present, proponents and opponents of the ERA argued over the idea of Black women and race. Concern about Black women, overt racism and coded race language were all a part of the struggle by Georgia ERA Inc. advocates as well as Stop-ERA members. Race is intimately tied to the struggle for the ERA in Georgia.

Much has been written in the literature of higher education on the history and current role of presidents, provosts, and deans. However, higher education scholars have, for the most part ignored the role of institutional in-house attorneys on college and university campuses. Those who have written on the subject of institutional counsel have proffered the idea that in-house general counsel offices were established as a result of the increased regulation of higher education by state and federal governments, and litigation resulting from the faculty and student rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s. This project seeks to provide a detailed justification for the rationale for the proliferation of counsel offices, and to provide a base-line qualitative, interview-based approach to the current role of college and university attorneys. Using a historical, document based approach this dissertation provides a comprehensive exploration of the argument that the establishment and growth of offices of the general counsel on college and university campuses was rooted in litigation. This dissertation further builds on the notion that as colleges and universities became larger and more complex, federal and state governments increased regulatory and reporting demands and accountability on institutions. A second issue that this dissertation covers is the way in which modern day institutional counsel view their roles within a college or university. Using Oral History Methodology, three attorneys were interviewed about their perceptions of their roles. Based on those interviews, this dissertation proffers the idea that an institutional counsel’s view of his or her role is linked to the nature of the individual campus and its leadership, and the structure of the office in which the attorney works. This dissertation also puts the role of the institutional counsel into the context of institutional actors by comparing it with the role of the academic dean. In addition to showing that the role of the institutional counsel is institution dependent, the results of this project indicate that the role of the institutional general counsel is an area ripe for additional study.

This work is intended to evaluate President Obama’s gun control policies by determining whether stricter federal gun control laws should apply within theUnited States. This paper examines whether setting legal standards at a national level would effectively reduce gun related violence and mass shootings on a local and state level. These include events such as Sandy Hook Elementary inNewton,Connecticut, the Virginia Polytechnic school shootings, and theAuroraTheatershooting inDenver,Colorado. Specifically, could executive orders proposed by the president, such as assault weapon bans, rigorous background checks on gun sales, submission of mental health records to the FBI Databases, and increased aid between states and mental health care institutions effectively reduce horrific incidences of gun related violence. Using gun control data from past and present as our research, we will determine whether stricter gun control policies have deterred violent crimes, murder rates, suicides and mass shootings. Since our research focuses on policy solutions as an alternative to reduce mass shootings, not the psychological make ups and environmental factors of mass shooters, we will omit America’s gun culture as a variable within our study: such as the effects violent video games and movies could have on the psyche of troubled individuals. After carefully analyzing gun date related to gun violence and crime, this work will attempt to suggest whether or not President Obama’s gun control policies will pass in Congress and which legislation will be the most effective in limiting gun violence and mass shootings.

I postulate that there is a divorce between the Free Exercise Clause of the Unite States Constitution and the freedom it sought to protect. Consequently, we have a polity besieged by diminishing freedoms and fear, which inadvertently manifests as intolerance. The thesis utilizes historical responses to antithetical ideologies like communism and polygamy to draw a parallel between the ugly past and terrorism; and to highlight a fundamental ideological lapse in the prosecution of the war on terror. A case Study of the Al-Qaeda Terrorist Organization revealed that it is a fully functional organization, albeit clandestine, that embodies the elements of public administration and the ability to set goals and coordinate resources for the fulfillment of specific terrorist goals. Some have viewed religion as an endless good, yet it remains a significant source of socio-cultural schism in the society. Mere toleration and the use of contemporary law are insufficient to dispel the dangers posed by radical Islamists. The violence and tension among various faiths are exacerbated by three dominant factors: first, the uncanny inclination of people toward political correctness; second, an inherent loophole in the Free exercise Clause; third and paramount is subversive religious doctrines. Also, apathy, complacency and a degree of religious naiveté in the polity all play into the rising religious disquietude. The thesis concludes that Free Exercise Clause is under attack and that terrorism and extremism are the bane of subversive religious injunctions. Suggestions are offered in the conclusion. / Department of Political Science

This project examines how Georgia draws the line between religious freedom and child abuse. In Georgia, certain religious parents are granted spiritual exemptions for conduct that would otherwise be prohibited due to its potential harm to children, while other parents must alter their religious practices to conform to the law. An examination of Georgia law governing conduct that is both religiously-motivated and poses a risk of physical harm to children illustrates that Georgia’s spiritual exemptions have contributed to producing legally-defined religious orthodoxy, inconsistent regulation of religious conduct, and less stringent state protection from harm for the children of some religious parents.

Once a fundamental aspect of American life, by 1920 the 18th Amendment to the constitution prohibited consumption of alcoholic beverages. Prohibition challenged traditional dogmas and called into question what constituted social progress. Throughout much of the debate over ratification of the 18th Amendment, themes of patriotism, progress, science and personal liberties were invoked by both those in favor of prohibition (Drys) and those opposed to the amendment (Wets). This paper will attempt to explain how dry forces crafted a successful wartime political campaign which ultimately led to the ratification of the 18th Amendment.

Esta dissertação aborda a Geografia do Voto, o Comportamento dos Legisladores através da proposição de Projetos de Lei Ordinária e de emendas ao Projeto de Orçamento do estado do Rio Grande do Sul e a Conexão Eleitoral gerada pelos incentivos advindos da arena eleitoral. Observamos como a Geografia do Voto está constituída neste Estado, com a construção de mapas da tipologia de reduto eleitoral dos parlamentares gaúchos. Examinou-se a proposição de Projetos de Lei entre 1995 até 2006 e de Emendas Orçamentárias, propostas de 1995 a 2002, com relação ao Partido e Geografia do Voto do autor. Através do Índice de Conexão, estudamos as emendas como recompensa dos votos dos eleitores. Por intermédio da comparação dos resultados eleitorais obtidos por parlamentares que tentaram a reeleição em 1998 e em 2002 observamos a proposição de emendas como estratégia de conquista de novos votos. Ambos os comportamentos caracterizam a Conexão Eleitoral. Os resultados encontrados demonstram que propor emendas não é uma estratégia eficiente para aumentar a quantidade de votos. A maior parte dos Projetos de Lei e das emendas foi proposta por legisladores de Partidos de centro e direita e com base de votos Concentrada. Percebemos que a Conexão Eleitoral é multifacetada, com incentivos para o comportamento particularista, bem como para o universalista. Dessa forma, esta dissertação se justifica pela relevância do tema, ausência de trabalhos empíricos a respeito, abordando o Rio Grande do Sul, e contribuição com o debate em algumas questões da Ciência Política. / This dissertation approaches Vote Geography, deputies’ behavior, through prepositions of Law Projects and Budget Amendments in Rio Grande do Sul, and the Electoral Connection created by electoral arena incentive. It has been observed how Vote Geography is constituted in this State, with the construction of deputy’s electoral maps. Law Projects proposed in 1995 until 2006 and the Budget Amendment proposed in 1995 until 2002 regarding Political Party and author of Vote Geography have also been examined. The Amendment as a reward for votes has been studied, through the Connection Index. Having compared electoral results from 1998 and 2002, we have observed the proposition of Amendments as a strategy to acquire new votes. Both behaviors characterize the Electoral Connection. The results show that the proposal of Amendments is not an efficient strategy to increase votes. Majority of Law Projects and Amendments were proposed by right and center party’s deputies with Concentrated votes. We have realized that the Electoral Connection has many faces, with incentives for private or universal behavior. Therefore, this dissertation justifies it self by the importance of the subject, the absence of empirical work in Rio Grande do Sul, and contribution with the debate in some aspects of Political Science.

O presente trabalho pretende estudar a rev1sao constitucional periódica estabelecida na Constitu ição da República Portuguesa de 1976 como ferramenta de aprimoramento institucional, vislumbrando a sua adequação ao ordenamento constitucional brasileiro. Inicialmente, resgatam-se os conceitos ligados ao poder reformador para depois estabelecer a trad ição histórica da reforma constitucional em Portugal, traçando um paralelo comparativo com o procedimento de alteração constitucional adotado no Brasil. Para tanto, foi necessária a análise do instituto da revisão constitucional portuguesa , explicitando, em especial, a periodicidade revisional, para verificar, através da experiência lus itana, a eficácia do instituto em questão. Por fim, apresenta-se a revisão constitucional periódica como instrumento apto para gerar estabilidade constitucional aliado a sua capacidade de oportunizar periodicamente o aprimoramento das institu ições do Estado. / This study aims to investigate the periodic constitutional review established as an institutional improvement tool in the Portuguese Constitution of 1976, setting a sight on its adequacy concerning the Brazilian constitutional order. This research recovers the concepts related to the reforming power in order to establish the historical tradition of the constitutional reform in Portugal, drawing a comparison with the constitutional amendment procedure adopted in Brazil. Therefore, the analysis of the Portugues.e lnstitute of constitutional review was necessary to particularly explain the reviewing periodicity in order to verify the effectiveness of the institute through the Portuguese experience. Finally, this study presents the periodic constitutional review as an effective means to generate constitutional stability together with its facility to periodically provide the opportunity for improvement of the national institutions.

Esta dissertação aborda a Geografia do Voto, o Comportamento dos Legisladores através da proposição de Projetos de Lei Ordinária e de emendas ao Projeto de Orçamento do estado do Rio Grande do Sul e a Conexão Eleitoral gerada pelos incentivos advindos da arena eleitoral. Observamos como a Geografia do Voto está constituída neste Estado, com a construção de mapas da tipologia de reduto eleitoral dos parlamentares gaúchos. Examinou-se a proposição de Projetos de Lei entre 1995 até 2006 e de Emendas Orçamentárias, propostas de 1995 a 2002, com relação ao Partido e Geografia do Voto do autor. Através do Índice de Conexão, estudamos as emendas como recompensa dos votos dos eleitores. Por intermédio da comparação dos resultados eleitorais obtidos por parlamentares que tentaram a reeleição em 1998 e em 2002 observamos a proposição de emendas como estratégia de conquista de novos votos. Ambos os comportamentos caracterizam a Conexão Eleitoral. Os resultados encontrados demonstram que propor emendas não é uma estratégia eficiente para aumentar a quantidade de votos. A maior parte dos Projetos de Lei e das emendas foi proposta por legisladores de Partidos de centro e direita e com base de votos Concentrada. Percebemos que a Conexão Eleitoral é multifacetada, com incentivos para o comportamento particularista, bem como para o universalista. Dessa forma, esta dissertação se justifica pela relevância do tema, ausência de trabalhos empíricos a respeito, abordando o Rio Grande do Sul, e contribuição com o debate em algumas questões da Ciência Política. / This dissertation approaches Vote Geography, deputies’ behavior, through prepositions of Law Projects and Budget Amendments in Rio Grande do Sul, and the Electoral Connection created by electoral arena incentive. It has been observed how Vote Geography is constituted in this State, with the construction of deputy’s electoral maps. Law Projects proposed in 1995 until 2006 and the Budget Amendment proposed in 1995 until 2002 regarding Political Party and author of Vote Geography have also been examined. The Amendment as a reward for votes has been studied, through the Connection Index. Having compared electoral results from 1998 and 2002, we have observed the proposition of Amendments as a strategy to acquire new votes. Both behaviors characterize the Electoral Connection. The results show that the proposal of Amendments is not an efficient strategy to increase votes. Majority of Law Projects and Amendments were proposed by right and center party’s deputies with Concentrated votes. We have realized that the Electoral Connection has many faces, with incentives for private or universal behavior. Therefore, this dissertation justifies it self by the importance of the subject, the absence of empirical work in Rio Grande do Sul, and contribution with the debate in some aspects of Political Science.

O presente trabalho pretende estudar a rev1sao constitucional periódica estabelecida na Constitu ição da República Portuguesa de 1976 como ferramenta de aprimoramento institucional, vislumbrando a sua adequação ao ordenamento constitucional brasileiro. Inicialmente, resgatam-se os conceitos ligados ao poder reformador para depois estabelecer a trad ição histórica da reforma constitucional em Portugal, traçando um paralelo comparativo com o procedimento de alteração constitucional adotado no Brasil. Para tanto, foi necessária a análise do instituto da revisão constitucional portuguesa , explicitando, em especial, a periodicidade revisional, para verificar, através da experiência lus itana, a eficácia do instituto em questão. Por fim, apresenta-se a revisão constitucional periódica como instrumento apto para gerar estabilidade constitucional aliado a sua capacidade de oportunizar periodicamente o aprimoramento das institu ições do Estado. / This study aims to investigate the periodic constitutional review established as an institutional improvement tool in the Portuguese Constitution of 1976, setting a sight on its adequacy concerning the Brazilian constitutional order. This research recovers the concepts related to the reforming power in order to establish the historical tradition of the constitutional reform in Portugal, drawing a comparison with the constitutional amendment procedure adopted in Brazil. Therefore, the analysis of the Portugues.e lnstitute of constitutional review was necessary to particularly explain the reviewing periodicity in order to verify the effectiveness of the institute through the Portuguese experience. Finally, this study presents the periodic constitutional review as an effective means to generate constitutional stability together with its facility to periodically provide the opportunity for improvement of the national institutions.