Anarchism is an ideology based on the working-class consciousness and its aim is to destroy any authoritarian institution and to live horizontally. In the Spanish context, Anarchism had a strong presence primarily during the three first decades of the 1900’s. This thesis argues that Spanish Anarchism has been exposed to ideological changes and strives to analyse which elements that have undergone ideological transformation and which ones that remained stable through four periods: the arrival of Anarchism to Spain (1868 – 1881), the Golden Ages of Anarchism (1931 –1939), the Francoist era and Transition to democracy (1939-1980) and the current situation (2000 – 2023). To answer this question, this thesis has combined Michael Freeden’s theory on morphological ideologies with the ideological analysis method of Kristina Boréus and Göran Bergström to get four models that depict semantically Spanish Ideology through different anarchist sources: manifestos, congress agreements, press articles, documentaries, official webpages, etc. The results show that the core concepts of the ideology remained the same from the 19th century and onwards, however with some additions; changes usually appear in the adjacent and peripheral concepts as adaptations to the historical contexts.

The aim of this research is to establish the bond between Friedrich Nietzsche and the anarchists, through the apparatus of elective affinity , and to challenge the boundaries of several anarchist trends especially 'classical' and 'post' anarchism and 'ideologies' like anarchism and libertarian Marxism. Moreover, it highlights the importance of reading Nietzsche politically, in a radical way, to understand his utility for the contemporary anarchist movement. The review of the literature concerning the Nietzsche-anarchy relationship shows the hitherto limited bibliography and stresses the possibility of exploring this connection, with the methodological help of Michael Löwy s concept of elective affinity . The research opens with a discussion of anarchism, following the dominant model for categorizing anarchist traditions, presenting its basic features and currents and drawing on its historical development. This leads to the introduction of two points (the questioning of the anarchist canon and the exposure of the diversity that basic anarchist concepts bear among different anarchist currents) which contest the rigid ideological perception of anarchism in favour of a fluid and dynamic anarchy. There emerges the elective affinity with Nietzsche, serving a double goal: the unification of the distinct anarchist tendencies and the definition of the anarchist parameters in relation to other ideologies. The following section of the thesis examines Nietzsche, by presenting the evolution of his philosophical thought and the fundamental theses of his perception of politics. It, then, continues with a detailed analysis of the main concepts of his philosophy based on the interpretation made by Gilles Deleuze, Alexander Nehamas and Keith Ansell-Pearson, thus structuring its interpretative context for establishing the Nietzsche-anarchy connection. This establishment is realized in a dual way. Firstly, by exploring the elective affinity through the presence of Nietzsche in the thought and politics of anarchist/libertarian thinkers (Goldman, Landauer, Benjamin) and currents (post-anarchism), and secondly by recognizing the anarchist worldview in the Nietzschean philosophy. The first path (Nietzsche in anarchism) shows how Nietzsche has interacted with or has been absorbed by the anarchist way of thinking, whereas the second path (anarchism in Nietzsche) reveals the affinal worldview of the two parts by extensively using the interpretation context mentioned above. The final section of the thesis applies the whole analysis above on a Nietzschean reading of the December 08 revolt in Athens based on the Of the Three Metamorphoses discourse from Thus Spoke Zarathustra. What has been found is the existence of a clear bond, between Nietzsche and the anarchists, which even reaches the upper levels of Löwy s elective affinity , that is Nietzschean Anarchism as a result of the two parts interactive fusion. The significance of this finding is that the relevant affinity may contribute to an alternative, to the dominant, perception of anarchism as an ideology. It may also designate its special features together with its weaknesses, meaning the objections of Nietzsche to certain aspects of the anarchist practices and worldview (violence, resentment, bad conscience), thus opening a whole new road of self-criticism for the anarchists of the twenty first century. In addition, the location and analysis of the elective affinity serves the debunking of the Nietzschean concepts used by conservative and right-wing readings in order to appropriate Nietzsche, and of the accusations that the German philosopher had unleashed against anarchists, which reveals his misunderstanding of anarchist politics.

This thesis is concerned with main cultural discourses of the second phase of Communism in Romania (1964-1989), period largely identical with that of Ceauşescu’s rule. A secondary aim of the thesis is to look at the post-1989 continuations of these publicly influential discourses with the aim of understanding how the educational system (HE, in particular) is positioned in relation to the cultural domain. With regard to the Communist period, the main assertion of the thesis is that analysis of these discourses reveals an underlying cultural mechanism equivalent with a central mode of governance employed by the Communist party. According to this assertion, the mission of this cultural mechanism, with origins in Lenin’s drastic distinction between the party and the proletariat and in the idea that the party must bestow consciousness on the proletariat, is to create and regulate positive avatars (heroes imbued with the best of humanity) for each social category so as to fulfill and safeguard the aims of the Party. For this reason, this device has been entitled the hero-mirror mechanism. The device has also been linked with religion and theology. This perspective has found that the mirror-mechanism corresponds to the notion of “imago Dei,” and its axes to the notions of “kenosis” and “imitatio Dei.” The assessment of these cultural discourses via the mirror-mechanism results in three dimensions of research, each with its own universes of investigation, and each with its own findings. In the first dimension, the mirror-mechanism deals with discourses as identity, and thus with the deconstruction of Romanian identity. If, as observed, the mirror-mechanism receives its first major blow in the 1980s and begins to crumble after 1989, what has replaced it since and with what implications for Romanian identity? The second dimension views the same discourses as mainly intellectual. Here, the notion of ‘inner utopia’ is highlighted as a dominant and recurring theme, and, therefore, as possibly the dominant feature of the Romanian cultural/political scene during and after Communism. If, because of the notion of ‘inner utopia,’ ‘true education’ is viewed as lying outside the provinces of formal institutions, what then is the educational role ascribed to the public space in relation to the HE system? Finally, the third dimension assesses these discourses in terms of their claims for anti-Communist resistance while providing a typology for elucidating such claims.

This thesis seeks to conceptualise an anarchist response to the politics of security. Understanding security as a discourse of conceptual and political mastery, and as therefore resistant to incorporation within a framework of emancipation, it argues that anarchism offers theoretical and practical resources through which creative insurrections in the political-metaphysical fabric of security might be made. The thesis is built around an ethnography of UK-based anti-militarist activism, interpreting a variety of practices, tactics and strategies through a conception of anarchism which emphasises prefigurative direct action and a ceaseless resistance to relations and discourses of domination and hegemony. Three central interventions in the logics of security are identified. The first involves the subversion of the hegemonic ontology of agency which can be identified across both traditional and critical understandings of security; those anti-militarists under examination do not appeal to „the state‟ to redress their grievances and insecurities, preferring instead to „directly‟ engage in practices of security. The second intervention emphasises those forms of anti-militarism which can be seen to subvert the security/insecurity binaries themselves, and to open spaces and possibilities beyond the totalising frameworks which constitute our contemporary politics of security. The third examines those moments and movements where, as they subvert these binaries, anti-militarists prefigure forms of subjectivity which displace those forms of rationality and relationality which underpin the politics of security (and militarism). Together these three interventions destabilise the politics of security in ways which offer powerful opportunities for rethinking and resisting contemporary forms of political domination and violence. This also functions as an argument about the politics of resistance, which is conceptualised here not as a programmatic, strategic or confrontational posture, but a tactical, prefigurative and anarchic exploration of becoming otherwise.

Radical Law: Anarchism & Myth in the Poetry of Robert Duncan investigates the relationship between religious and political radicalism in the poetry and poetics of San Francisco Renaissance poet Robert Duncan (1919-1988). I argue that Duncan draws on a nexus of religious and political "heresies" (e.g., Gnosticism, anarchism) to create a complex ethical vision of individual freedom and communal interdependence, what the poet called a "symposium of the whole." As my argument demonstrates, Robert Duncan's mytho-anarchism serves as a critique of twentieth-century political ideology, as well as the cultural politics of such precursors and contemporaries as Walt Whitman, Ezra Pound, Charles Olson, and Denise Levertov.

The key theoretical concern of this doctoral research is to trace the way in which Marx discovered and developed the determinations of the revolutionary subjectivity of the working class. In order to achieve this, a critical reading of Marx's 'early writings' from the perspective of his later works was carried out in the first part of the thesis. Specifically, the analysis attempted to find in both the insights and limitations of the former and clues towards the direction that Marx's later development would take. One of the original results of my reassessment of Marx's early work is to uncover the methodological significance of those texts for Marx's re-appropriation of Hegel's dialectical method and the consequent determination of social science as practical criticism. The second part of my investigation consists in a critical analysis of the ways in which these early insights crystallised in the writing of Capital. The aim of this critical reading of Marx's most important work is to provide a reconstruction which goes beyond traditional Marxist theories and their unresolved tension between the forms of objectivity and the forms of subjectivity of capitalist society. In particular, my thesis is that most readings of Marx tend to see revolutionary subjectivity as abstractly free and as the opposite of the subjectivity alienated in capital. My own investigation of Marx's critical theory aims to show that, for him, emancipatory subjectivity itself is a social form of the alienated subjectivity of the modern individual. I show that the genesis of that emancipatory subject can be found in the transformations in the materiality of social life brought about by the real subsumption of humanity to capital. Finally, the investigation attempts to thematise the intrinsic connection between these questions of subjectivity and Marx's dialectical method.

The politics of the act is an important part of radical politics as it seeks to disrupt and challenge the status quo. I define the politics of the act as a mode of politics that involves a withdrawal from the state, mobilises around non-hierarchical organising structures and is animated by an imperative of enactment. This can be contrasted with a politics of demand, which is state-oriented, hierarchical in nature and looks to educate the movement for enactment. While Marxists have tended to privilege the politics of demand as the route to radical change, anarchists have favoured the politics of the act, thus creating a clear opposition between these two different ways of acting politically. In this thesis I will argue that this dichotomy between a politics of demand and a politics of the act is overemphasized, and using Deleuze I will show that a politics of the act is the ontological and creative basis through which the politics of demand comes into being, and the politics of demand is enacted by capturing certain flows of creativity into recognisable ‘moments’ that allows them to be made visible and understood at a societal level. Thus, these modes of politics, although they have meaningful differences, are not distinct from each other but rather flow into each other. In IR, conceptualisations of social movements practising a politics of demand have overshadowed the politics of the act, although anarchists have recognised its importance. This thesis will build on this work by drawing on Deleuzian concepts to deepen our understanding of the politics of the act both conceptually and empirically and contributing to the development of a postanarchist politics. It will examine six case studies of activities that are valorised as exemplifying the politics of the act: withdrawal from the state by Food Not Bombs and Social Centres; horizontal organising structures of Critical Mass and Indy Media Centres; and an imperative of enactment through guerrilla gardening and the Clown Army. This thesis challenges those conceptualisations of politics that privilege either the politics of demand or the politics of the act, and demonstrates that both are needed in any conceptualisation of radical politics. It concludes by offering a way of conceptualising both modes of politics through a ‘politics of the molecular’.

This thesis focuses on the influence of William Morris and Edward Carpenter on aspects of the back-to-the-land and simple-life movements between the years 1880- 1910. Specifically, it seeks to define and explore the convergence and divergence of both writers' return-to-nature ideology, and considers their influence on the development of particular groups, who represented some of the multiplicity of backto- the-land ideas and experiments current during this period. The thesis is divided into three main parts; the intellectual framework for the study is broad, and takes into account the historical context, the cultural significance and the character of the material in each section. The first part of the thesis undertakes an expository evaluation of key texts from Morris's and Carpenter's political journalism, lectures and imaginative writing, examining how both writers developed an appropriate language to convey their social and political ideals. The critical method employed uses detailed textual analysis, identifying and discussing the individual qualities of Morris's and Carpenter's back-to-the-land writing, and reflecting on the differing emphases of their utopian rhetoric. The second part of the research explores the take-up of Morris's and Carpenter's ethos in four diverse and little known late-nineteenthcentury journals, concerned with simple-life issues and a return to the land, namely Seed-time, The New Order, Land and Labor and Land and People. It employs the thinking of Pierre Bourdieu and Mikhail Bakhtin to establish an appropriate balance between critical theory and empirical study. Lastly using a historical and descriptive method the thesis uses archival material to examine the nature and extent of both writers' influence on two Cotswold back-to-the-land experiments - the Whiteway Colony and the Chipping Campden Guild of Handicraft. These provide a particular opportunity to consider and compare the practical outcomes of return-to-the-land and simple-life ideologies. The study extends scholarship in this area by significantly re-appraising the relationship between Morris's and Carpenter's back-to-the-land writing, and reinstating Carpenter as a germinal influence. It also increases our understanding of the values and function of the journals in the study, and establishes an insight into the wider cultural assimilation of both writers' ideals.

This thesis presents the personality of Michael Kácha, anarchist editor and publisher. Biographical sketch shows not only his editorial activity and journalism (for instance in journals Práce, Zádruha, Mladý průkopník, Klíčení) and his work as a publisher (Družstvo Kniha, Kacha Verlag), but pays attention also to his activities within workers' and anarchist, respectively anarcho-communist organizations, which is inextricably connected with his literary activity. A bibliography of texts of Michael Kácha and a list of books published with his participation is the part of this thesis.

Dans notre travail de recherche, nous avons essayé d'expliciter quels sont les traits distinctifs d’un anarchiste italien du vingtième siècle. Pour cela, suivant le modèle proposé par Carlo Ginzburg dans Le fromage et les vers, nous avons pris en considération le cas d’un militant libertaire qui a été considéré comme une exception au sein de son mouvement. À ce propos, il nous a paru particulièrement intéressant d'analyser la vie de Camillo Berneri pour le rôle qu’il a tenu au sein de son mouvement car cet intellectuel italien peut être considéré comme un représentant très important du mouvement anarchiste italien car il a milité toute sa vie dans cette organisation politique et il est devenu un martyr de la Révolution libertaire en Espagne. Cependant, nous pouvons aussi considérer Camillo Berneri comme une figure assez originale au sein de son mouvement car ses positions politiques et philosophiques ont suscité souvent plusieurs discussions au sein de son mouvement. Pour mieux comprendre les caractéristiques de cet intellectuel, nous avons pris en considération la représentation que la police et les anarchistes ont donnée de lui, sa formation intellectuelle et la relation entre ses positions politiques et son activité militante. Cette étude nous a permis de comprendre qu’il existe un strict lien entre les images que les autorités italiennes et les anarchistes ont donné de Camillo Berneri, que son parcours intellectuel a été influencé par des auteurs de différentes orientations idéologiques et que son activité politique a été fortement conditionnée par la vision que l’anarchiste avait de son mouvement d’appartenance, au début de son militantisme. Ces observations nous invitent à réfléchir sur la signification historique de l’appartenance au mouvement libertaire et sur la complexité de la définition des traits qui caractérisent un anarchiste. / The aim of the present thesis was to identify the features of an Italian anarchist in the twentieth century. For this reason, following the model proposed by Carlo Ginzburg in The Cheese and the Worms, an analysis is presented of the case of an anarchist militant who was considered an exception within his movement. In this connection, the life of Camillo Berneri was chosen for his role in the anarchistic movement. This Italian intellectual can be considered as a very important example of the anarchist movement, given that he spent all his life in this political organisation and he became a martyr of the libertarian revolution in Spain. Nevertheless, Camillo Berneri could also be taken as a unique specimen inside the anarchist movement, considering that his political and philosophical positions incited several discussions in the heart of his movement. In order to understand the character of this intellectual, Camillo Berneri’s representation both by the police and by the anarchists is analysed in this thesis, as well as his intellectual formation and the relationship between the political positions and militant activity. This study revealed a close connection between the representations of Camillo Berneri given by the police and by the anarchists; additionally, it showed that his intellectual formation was influenced by authors of various ideological orientations; and finally, that his political activity was determined by Camillo Berneri’s own vision of the anarchist movement. These observations led to a reflection on the historical meaning of belonging to the libertarian movement and the complexity of defining the traits that characterize an anarchist.