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This dissertation is concerned with the case study of Algerian political Islam in the contemporary era. The central research question addressed here is two fold. First, the question of whether political Islam constitutes a radical ideological break with the Algerian political ljfeworld is asked. The political imagination of Algerian Islamism is analysed in its historical and political contexts to unearth areas of rupture with dominant forms of political imagination, but areas of hybridity and of complicity with such formations are also highlighted. Thus, the main contention of this thesis is that the discursive relationship between Islamist political formation and that of their opponents in the political sphere is complex: Islamist political imagination is oppositional to the state, but it does not escape the discursive tools for legitimation present in the existing ljfeworld. Secondly, the consequences of this argument for our understanding of the Algerian Civil War of the 199os are addressed. It is argued here that political imagination is one of the key loci where political contest has been played out in the contemporary Algerian setting. The confrontation between the regime and political Islam is the most up to date example of a struggle for power that necessitates the monopoly over the legitimising tools of history and culture. More importantly, this framework questions the notion that the state-Islamist confrontation in subsequent years can be explained in a binary fashion (Good vs. Evil; Rational politics vs. Irrational theocracy). In fact, this confrontation over political power is consistent with existing patterns of political competition in postcolonial Algeria.

This dissertation investigates the extent to which between Islam and democracy are compatible in the Muslim world. While some scholars have argued that Islam is inherently incompatible with democracy many have found, in contrast, that Islam has many resources to accommodate a successful democratic state. If Islam is compatible with democratic governance at a doctrinal level, why then are the majority of Muslim countries largely authoritarian? To address this question, I introduce a refinement on this discrepancy by focusing on the coexistence of emerging Islamic institutions with democratic transitions in 49 Muslim-majority states. Traditionally, Islam has been operationalized as a "dichotomous" variable based on demographics or an "attitudinal" measure based on survey responses. Both measures have failed to account for an inherent variation of Islam's role across the Muslim world. I developed a new index to assess the variation in Islam factor across Muslim countries: <italic>Islamic Institutionalization Index</italic> (III). This new index avoids the shortcomings of the current approaches to quantifying "Islam" and captures the range of variation in Islamic Institutions across 49 countries by allowing scholars to gauge the density and level of Islam in each country. With the index I designed, I rely on three different levels of analysis to examine under which circumstances Islam and democracy can coexist. More precisely, by looking into three categories of Islamic institutions (educational, political, and financial), I raise the following question: "To what extent and in what levels do Islamic Institutions support the coexistence between Islam and Democracy?"Analyzing 49 Muslim-majority states, I utilize mixed methodology by using <italic>Configurational Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis</italic> (FS/QCA) and focused case study analysis. FS-QCA offers an innovative and robust approach to identify configurationally complex factors while discerning the emerging patterns displayed by medium size (N=49) cases. To further explain the complex interplay of conditions, I focus on two case studies in greater detail: Kazakhstan and Turkey. I find a strong empirical association between the density and scope of Islamic political, educational and financial institutions and the existence of democratic norms (civil and political liberties and democratic institutions). Findings further suggest that Islamic institutions can coexist with civil and political liberties when governments allow Islamic institutionalization to function in society with no stern political restrictions. Among the three categories of III, Islamic states with higher levels of <italic>Islamic political institutions</italic> manifest <italic>particularly</italic> higher levels of democracy. Conversely, states that ban the emergence of a range of Islamic institutions in politics, education, and interest-free banking exhibit low levels of freedom and stunted democratic institutions.

Undersökningar visar att många människor har negativ inställning till muslimer. Har det skett någon förändring sedan 2006 då Integrationsverket gjorde sina undersökningar? Är det så att man inte tänker på människornas religiösa bakgrund längre eftersom dagens skola oftast är mångkulturell och mångreligiös och vi är vana vid mångkulturella klasser? Eller tänker vi fortfarande på skillnader istället för likheter?  Antalet muslimer har ökat markant i Sverige sedan 1930-talet, då 15 människor uppgav att de var muslimer. Syftet med denna undersökning är att ta reda på vad elever omvårdnadsprogrammen på komvux och på gymnasiet tycker om muslimer. Vidare vill jag ta reda på om dessa attityder skiljer sig mellan skolor och mellan åldrar. Det är också intressant att se vad lärarna gör för att motverka de eventuellt negativa attityderna. För att ta reda på det har jag gjort en enkätundersökning i sex olika klasser på omvårdnadsprogrammet, tre på komvux och tre på gymnasiet, och genomfört fyra lärarintervjuer i dessa skolor. Slutsatsen som jag kommit fram till genom min undersökning är att eleverna är positivt inställda till muslimer. Orsaken till de positiva attityderna kan vara specifik för just dessa elever på dessa skolor. Hade jag gjort den här undersökningen och jämfört olika program hade jag säkert fått ett annat resultat. Resultaten skiljer sig lite mellan dessa två skolor och det är de äldre generationerna som har en något mer positiv inställning till muslimer. Lärarna arbetar utifrån den humanistiska människosynen och det verkar påverka eleverna positivt. De kämpar med att få bort de eventuella negativa inställningarna.

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This study discusses the establishment of Persatuan Ulama Seluruh Aceh (All Aceh Ulama Association) by a few forward-looking Acehnese 'ulama's and the role that this organization played in educational reforms in Aceh. The educational reforms are discussed in two ways: (1) The actual change in the educational system of the madrasa, and the establishment of a teachers' training school Normal Islam Instituut. (2) The socio-religious changes that contributed to the success of the educational revolution in Aceh. / The thesis discusses the educational changes made by Persatuan Ulama Seluruh Aceh and the impact they had on Aceh during the 1930's and indirectly on modern Aceh.

This thesis presents an indepth examination of the exegetical treatment of Qur'anic themes and concepts. It explains the process of communication between God and human beings by using communication models. The invisibility of God to human beings, coupled with His difference in nature, make their interaction difficult to conceive but not impossible. This thesis will thus seek to show how that interaction is feasible, making it as comprehensible as possible. / Muslim theologians studied exhaustively the subject of God's speech and its nature without actually revealing its process in any detail or in systematic fashion. This thesis concludes that the theological differences have little bearing on God as a communicator. Finally, it demonstrates that the process of God-human interaction is entirely different from that of ordinary interpersonal communication.

This thesis begins with a brief survey of Christian-Muslim interaction in India. The paper then analyzes the Jesuit missions to the Mughal court in the context of Portuguese ambitions in India. The second part of the thesis analyzes Protestant missions to India against the background of the activities of the British East India Company. The final section compares and contrasts the methods and aims of the Protestant and Catholic missions in India.

The main objective of this study is to analyze three major Indonesian Muslim responses to the Pancasila, the state ideology of Indonesia. The first Muslim response occurred when the Secular Nationalists proposed, shortly before Indonesia's independence in 1945 and again later in the Constituent Assembly debates (1956-1959), that the Pancasila be the basis of state. The second Muslim response to the Pancasila took place in 1978 when the New Order government proposed that the P4 (Guidelines for Understanding and Practicing the Pancasila) be legalized. The Muslims at first objected to both the proposal of the Pancasila as the foundation of the state and that of the P4, but finally acquiesced. Each stage in this process was marked by debate over the role of Islam in Indonesian society and politics, which often led to antagonism between the government and the Muslim community. When the government proposed in 1982 that the Pancasila serve as the sole basis for all political and mass organizations, the third Muslim response occurred. The Muslims' acceptance of this policy marked the end of the government's application of severe policies towards them and has resulted in the former being allowed to play an even greater role in Indonesian politics than had previously been the case.

<p>Includes bibliographic references (leaves 184-195)&quot / In this thesis, I contrast Qutbs approach towards jihad with that which is found in the primary sources of Islam and as espoused by the proponents of the four schools of thought, as well as key Islamic scholars. This study also attempts to explore the conceptual confusion between terrorism, jihad, and legitimate defense and resistance by comparing the legislation on jihad in Islam with that which exists in international law and conventions. I then turn my attention to the focal point of this study, the writings of Sayyid Qutb on jihad...&quot / </p>