M.A. / Punk was not only a music and fashion phenomenon of the 1970s, but the embodiment of non-conformity, discontent and a do-it-yourself culture that has continued to inspire the alternative youth of successive generations. One new cohort are the post-apartheid punks that provided the focus of this minor dissertation. The following three methods were used to collect qualitative data on South African punks: a qualitative content analysis, observations and semi-structured interviews. A search for the best conceptual tools with which to analyse this information found that previous usage of the concepts ‘subculture’ and ‘scene’ were useful, but inadequate. ‘Identity’ on the other hand, was capable of highlighting and examining the complexities of the punk phenomenon. The history of punk demonstrated that cross-cutting experiences, specific contexts, sub-categorisation and political motivations also contribute to the multiple meanings of punk. Similar influences were found at play in the South African case, but with a few crucial differences. Sub-categorisation was discussed in connection to a general and significant shift from old school to new school punk. The new school outlook is far more fun than the aggressive old school punk attitude of the 1970s. This change in punk culture provides an explanation for why it is that even politically aware punks, rarely make activism a priority. It may also explain why this small, optimistic, good humoured and creative ‘punk family’ do not express the fear and uncertainty normally found in punk collectives. The proudly South African context has also unexpectedly fostered the confidence of these mostly white, male and middle class punks.

No description available.

[No abstract available] / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate

[No abstract available] / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate

M.A. (Political Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

À travers ma thèse intitulée "Le Dj, médiateur de transferts culturels dans la Dance Culture. comment des cultures locales sont devenues globales", je mets en avant l'implication des DJs dans l'émergence des principaux mouvements musicaux formant la Dance Culture dans l'espace Atlantique.Dans le premier chapitre, je retrace l'émergence de la culture musicale jamaïcaine qui se trouve être à la base du DJing au sens créatif du terme.Dans le deuxième chapitre, je montre le développement des quatre mouvements phares qui forment la Dance Culture apparue sur la côte Est des États-Unis.Dans mon troisième chapitre, je parle de l'expansion de la Dance Culture en Europe en m'appuyant principalement sur les cas du développement de la House et de la Techno en Angleterre, en Allemagne et en France. / Through my thesis entitled "DJ, cultural transfers mediator in the Dance Culture, how local cultures became global", I put forward the DJs' involvement in the emergence of the main music movements which formed the Dance Culture in the Atlantic area.In the first chapter, I recall the Jamaican music culture's emergence which is on the basis of the DJing in the creative sense.In the second chapter, I show the development of the four main movements which formed the Dance Culture appeared in the East coast of the United States.In my last chapter, I speak about the expansion of the Dance Culture in Europa with the example of the House and Techno development in England, in Germany and in France.

Le développement durable et l’éducation qui lui est affiliée, sont aujourd’hui des questions socialement vives. Ces questions sont au cœur de nombreuses initiatives qu’elles soient politiques ou non. Les nombreux acteurs mobilisés sur le sujet sont d’origine diverse. L’Etat bien sûr, et ses services déconcentrés se sont engagés mais également des collectivités territoriales, des institutions publiques ou parapubliques, l’Ecole et les associations d’éducation non formelle ou de protection de l’environnement. La diversité et la multiplicité des actions menées interrogent leur cohérence. Cette recherche doctorale propose un tableau des pratiques actuelles en éducation relative à l’environnement et/ou au développement durable. Elle analyse la place des parties prenantes, les enjeux sous-jacents et leurs stratégies territoriales. C’est aussi un regard critique sur les savoirs qui structurent aujourd’hui le champ. / Sustainable development and education for sustainable development are linked burning socials, which explains the strong interest politicians demonstrate in this topic. Several times of stakeholders are involved in this them such as French State and its administrations, public schools, regions, townships, nongovernmental organizations... most of the time, They work in partnership, though each one has its own approach of environmental education and education for sustainable development. The question is to know if these stakeholders are walking on the same path. Do they pursue the same goals most of time? This research proposes a critical approach of environmental education and education for sustainable development. It analyses current practices of stakeholders involved in education for sustainable development and their territorial’s strategies. It also question the knowledge which under standers this education.

Vhavenga vhanzhi vha mbeu ya tshifumakadzini vha vhonala vha tshi gifara nga ngila i fanaho kana nga ngila nthihi yo khetheaho, zwi no sumba u nga vha khou aluswa nga ngila i fanaho. A zwi na vhutanzi uri maitele ayo othe vha tou funzwa kana zwi bva mbeboni kana kha mvelele yavho naa. Tho isiso iyi i go togisisa uri ndi ngani vha tshi ita zwithu zwa u fana. l<ana vha zwi wana nga u humbulela kana nga ngila ya kutshilele. Ndima ya u thoma ndi ine ya go vha i tshi khou sumbedza siangane ya thogisiso, !ikumedzwa !a thaidzo, ndivho ya thogisiso, ndavhalelo ya thogisiso, ndeme ya thogisiso, mbudziso dzi fhindulwaho nga thogisiso iyi, ngona dzo shumiswaho hu tshi itwa thogisiso iyi. Musi riwana wa musidzana a tshi aluwa mutani wa Muvenga, vhabebi vha mu Qetshedza mipopi i itwaho nga mikope yo kuvhuliwaho thoro kana mavhele khayo. Vhathu vha tshifumakadzini vha ambadza hei mipopi zwiambaro. Mita i gikonaho i rengela vhana vhayo vha vhasidzana mipopi hu u itela uri vha tambe ngayo. U tamba honoho hu angaredza u bika vhuswa hu tshi shumiswa magi na mavu kana matope. Musi matope ala o no dzia vhana vha a vhidza uri ndi vhuswa.Vha leona u vhonala vha tshi khou kapudza mipopi ya mikope vhuswa ho itwaho nga mavu kana matope. Mitambo hei i thusedza vhana vha tshifumakadzini mishumo ya matshelo kha vhutshilo havho musi vho no malwa vha tshi vho go vha vhabebi vha na mita yavho. Ndi nga nthani ha siangane hei 1hogisiso iyi i tshi toga u sengulusa kualusele kwa vhana vha mbeu ya tshisadzini u ya nga mvelele ya Tshivenga u bva vhutukuni havho u v swikela vhuhulwaneni. Kha phendelo mutogisisi u go nweledza zwothe zwe a amba kha ndima iyi. Ndima ya vhuvhili ndi ine vhaliwe vhaliwali vha go talusa maipfi o faraho !hogisiso iyi sa haya: kutshilele, phatho ya kutshilele, mbeu, mbeu ya tshifumakadzini na mme. Ndima ya vhuraru ndi ine ya vha i tshi khou amba nga kudzudzanyelwe kwa !hogisiso na ngila dzo shumiswaho hune ha go ambiwa nga ngila ya khwalithethivi, ngila ya khwanthithethivi, tshigwada tsha !hogisiso, u wana sambula, tshikalo tsha sambula, ngila ya u !ogulusa. Mbudziso dzo dzudzanywaho uri vhathu vha mbeu ya tshifumakadzini vha re na vhana vha vhasidzana vha go humbelwa u dzi fhindula. Ndima ya vhuQa mutogisisi u go togisisa uri ndi zwifhio zwi vha itisaho uri vha ite zwithu zwi fanaho kana vh.a tshile kutshilele kuthihi u bva vhe vha.tuku u swika vha tshi vha vhahulwane.Henefha hu go sumbedzwa mishumo ine liwana wa musidzana u tea u gudiswa a tshi lavhelelwa u i kana hu si na thidza. Kha yeneyi ndima hu go sumbedzwa u laiwa na u kaidziwa ha musidzana musi o no vha muhulwane uri u tea u tshila nga ngilage. Ndima ya vhutanu mu!ogisisi u go sengulusa mishumo ya mazhendedzi a shumaho kha kualusele kwa liwana wa musidzana wa Muvenga mutani, zwikoloni zwa ngomani, zwik{)loni zwa musalauno, kerekeni na mishumo i itwaho nga zwiimiswa zwa nyangadzamafhungo dzi ngaho radio, thelevishini, na gurannga. Ndima ya vhurathi ndi ine ya go sumbedza mawanwa a mbudzisavhathu na phindulo dzi bvaho l<ha zwo waniwaho kha vhafumal<adzi vhe vha fhindula. vi Ndima ya vhusumbs ndi mvalatswinga ya zwoths zws zwa vha zwi tshi khou ambiwa kana u toguluswa nga hazwo. Mutogisisi u go !)Sa nyangarsdzo ya zwo wanwaho musi hu tshi itwa iyi !hogisisb, a konou QSa thsmsndslo dzins dza nga thusa uri Jushaka Ju vhons uri Ju nga itan.i uri liwana wa musidzana ano mad-uvha a nga thuswa hani zwins zwa go vhusdza sns muQs na Jushaka nga u angarsdza.

Cultural beliefs influencing the uptake of cervical cancer screening among women in a community healthcare centre. 1.1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND Globally cervical cancer was found to be the fourth most common cancer among women in 2012. There were an estimated 528,000 new cases and approximately 266,000 female deaths of cervical cancer in 2012 worldwide. The Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) was being associated with about 70 percent of all cervical cancers (World Health Organization [WHO] 2015:43). In South Africa, cervical cancer is still the most common cancer diagnosed in women. Despite this fact, the uptake of cervical cancer screening in a designated community centre in the Tshwane district in the Gauteng Province of South Africa (SA) is low. 1.2 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The purpose of the study was to explore and describe cultural beliefs influencing the uptake of cervical cancer screening among women in a designated community healthcare centre. 1.3 METHOD A qualitative descriptive design was used, as the researcher was interested in exploring and describing whether cultural health beliefs influence the uptake of cervical cancer screening. The study was conducted at a designated community healthcare centre, which is situated in a Pretoria West suburb in the Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality of the Gauteng Province in South Africa. The population were women who were 35 years and older who have not made use of cervical cancer screening services before, and who attend the selected departments for other reasons than for screening for cervical cancer. Purposive sampling was used to select participants as they visited the community health centre’s chronic as well as maternal child and women’s health services (MCHW) at mother and child healthcare departments. The researcher handed out fliers to all women patients of the departments. The fliers contained information about the study and the inclusion criteria for the sample. The researcher’s contact number was also included on the flier in order for interested women to make contact with her once they have decided to participate, or to get more information about the study. Focus group interviews were conducted at the designated community healthcare centre. Consent was obtained for participation as well as for the use of audio recording beforehand. The interviews were conducted in the English and Sesotho language. The same group of participants were interviewed until data saturation was reached, meaning that no new information was to be obtained. The researcher and co-coder (who both understood Sesotho and English) organised data and translated it. The researcher then interpreted and discussed the findings in a ‘dialogue’ between it and the existing knowledge base related to the studied phenomenon. 1.4 FINDINGS The following four categories emerged from this study; Fear of cervical cancer results, cervical cancer is perceived to be caused by sacred or indecent behaviour, spousal approval needed for cervical cancer screening and women should address gynaecological health issues with women. Furthermore nine sub-categories emerged from the categories. The study found that cultural beliefs played an important role in influencing the uptake of cervical cancer screening in the designated community healthcare centre. Most families in this study were led by males, and participants reported that these males lack knowledge of cervical cancer-related issues. Women were expected to be submissive to their husbands and were not allowed to proceed with health-related procedures without the consent of their husbands. Participants verbalised that they lacked spousal support when it came to cervical cancer screening. Husbands could not approve of their wives having cervical cancer screening performed on them, as the disease was stigmatised. Participants in this study did not consider it necessary to seek cervical cancer screening, as they did not present any symptoms. Participants were most fearful of being diagnosed with the disease and feared losing their husbands due to the treatment procedure that entailed the removal of the uterus, and therefore preferred to remain in denial. Fear of contracting other diseases such as Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome while performing cervical cancer screening was also reported. The community believed that women with cervical cancer were promiscuous or had abortions and hence women in this study refrained from screening for the disease for fear of being judged. It was also believed that the disease affected widows who failed to adhere to cultural rituals performed to the following the death of their husbands. The study found that cultural restrictions did not allow women’s bodies to be viewed by men other than their husbands. The disease was regarded as a taboo, and it was never communicated within families and the community. In the families, women were not expected to talk about women health issues to their husbands as it was regarded as disrespectfulness. They were expected to discuss such issues with elderly female structures within the families. This also created a barrier as most participants reported that they did not get along with these elderly female structures. 1.5 CONCLUSION It was evident that cultural beliefs played an important role in cervical cancer screening. The community, including men, need to be educated about cervical cancer-related issues while remaining culturally sensitive. Women had to be given a choice of gender preference at the designated healthcare centre when seeking cervical cancer screening. Keywords: cervical, cancer, screening, uptake, culture, beliefs, Pap smear, Human Papillomavirus, barriers and symptoms. / Dissertation (MCur)--Universityof Pretoria 2019. / Nursing Science / MCur (Nursing Science) / Unrestricted

Coffee Bay, a small beach resort located in the heart of the former Transkei, is one of the current tourist ""hot spots"" on South Africa's Wild Coast. Through a detailed analysis of tourist literature spanning several decades, together with consideration of established theories regarding the 'making of place', this study examines the relationship between visual representations of Coffee Bay and the changing patterns of tourism in the seaside resort from 1945 to the present. This study traces the Coffee Bay's development over three separate periods - 1945 to 1969, 1970 to 1989, and 1990 to 2005 - during which time three different groups of tourists inhabited its space: cottage owners, hotel guests and backpackers. Despite their differences, each group sought the same thing an archetypal, mythical vision of a tourist ""paradise"". They thus inhabited and confected Coffee Bay's touristscape with their interpretations of this Utopia.