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New Zealand has a paradoxical relationship with nuclear science. We are as proud of Ernest Rutherford, known as the father of nuclear science, as of our nuclear-free status. Early enthusiasm for radium and X-rays in the first half of the twentieth century and euphoria in the 1950s about the discovery of uranium in a West Coast road cutting was countered by outrage at French nuclear testing in the Pacific and protests against visits from American nuclear-powered warships. New Zealand today has a strong nuclear-free identity – a result of the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament and Arms Control Act of 1987 that prohibited nuclear weapons and nuclear warships in the country’s land, air and water – that can be traced back to the first protests against nuclear weapons in the 1940s. This thesis is based on the supposition that the “nuclear-free New Zealand” narrative is so strong and such a part of the national identity that it has largely eclipsed another story, the pre-1980s story of “nuclear New Zealand”. New Zealand’s early embracing of and enthusiasm for nuclear science and technology needs to be introduced into our national story. This thesis aims to discover and reveal that history: from the young New Zealand physicists seconded to work on the Manhattan Project; to the plans for a heavy water plant at Wairakei; prospecting for uranium on the West Coast of the South Island; plans for a nuclear power station on the Kaipara Harbour; and the thousands of scientists and medical professionals who have worked with nuclear technology. Put together, they provide a narrative history of nuclear New Zealand. Between the “anti-nuclear” voices, already well told in many histories of nuclear-free New Zealand, and the “pro-nuclear” voices revealed in this thesis, options were considered and decisions made. This thesis shows that the people with decision-making power tended to make practical decisions based on economics and national interest when it came to deciding whether or not to adopt a certain piece of nuclear technology or whether or not to participate in projects or ventures with international agencies. This eventually led to a nuclear-free policy – focused on weapons, nuclear-powered ships and waste – that since the legislation was enacted in 1987 has been interpreted ever more widely by politicians and the public to include nuclear power, uranium prospecting and many other applications of nuclear technology.

The US anti-nuclear movement formed in opposition to the development of nuclear weapons and energy. Anti-nuclear activists have rallied since the late 1970’s opposed to the construction of Plant Vogtle near Waynesboro, Georgia due to the social and environmental justice issues related to the nuclear industry. In 2010, the nuclear industry proposed a nuclear resurgence in the US, proposing to construct new reactors at Plant Vogtle. This represented the first time new nuclear reactors had been proposed since the moratorium on new reactors as a result of the partial meltdown at Three Mile Island in 1979. The aim of the study is to understand the experience of “first wave” anti-nuclear activists in Georgia (those engaged for twenty years or more). Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Framework was employed to locate anti-nuclear activists’ perceived facilitators and barriers to their activism. Semi-structured interviews with these activists yielded rich descriptions about their experience in the anti-nuclear movement. Activists endorsed facilitators and barriers related to individual characteristics however, the majority of activists perceived facilitators and barriers beyond the individual level. Specifically, the majority of activists mentioned facilitators and barriers relating to the media and political systems and the power and resource imbalances within society. The role of community psychology is discussed in relation to this field of inquiry.

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(医学) / 甲第24995号 / 医博第5029号 / 新制||医||1069(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院医学研究科医学専攻 / (主査)教授 竹内 理, 教授 椛島 健治, 教授 伊藤 能永 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Medical Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

La contestation antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur marqua le début des mouvements antinucléaires en France et en Allemagne. Tandis que le mouvement en Allemagne trouva bientôt un large soutien dans la société puis dans la sphère politique, le mouvement ne parvint pas à s’imposer en France. En outre, les origines du mouvement en Alsace sont presque tombées dans l’oubli. Ma thèse propose de retracer le développement du mouvement antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur. A partir d’une histoire croisée1, il s’agit d’analyser la coopération des groupes antinucléaires badois et alsaciens dans leur lutte contre l’industrialisation de la vallée du Rhin et contre la construction des centrales nucléaires le long du Rhin dans les années 1970 et 1980. Sur la base d'une analyse de la structure et des activités des initiatives des citoyens, elle examine la confrontation des militants antinucléaires avec les responsables politiques dans les deux pays, leur présence dans l’espace public, par exemple dans la presse régionale, les aspects culturels du mouvement antinucléaire ainsi que la création d'un espace public oppositionnel. Partant d’une analyse au niveau régional, j’aimais également faire des déductions sur l’évolution du mouvement antinucléaires au niveau national des deux pays. / Protests against nuclear power plants in the upper Rhine region in the early 1970s marked the beginning of the anti-nuclear movements in France and Western Germany. On both sides of the Rhine, citizens founded action groups to fight against the construction of nuclear power plants in Fessenheim and Wyhl and against the industrialization of the region in general. By using new forms of protest such as the peaceful occupation of construction sites, the activists had critical impact on the culture of civil protest and the evolution of the new social movements in France and especially in Western Germany. By way of a histoire croisée, this doctoral thesis takes a close look on how German and French citizens’ initiatives cooperated and which forms of protest they chose to draw the attention of the people and the governments to their cause. Various action groups from Baden and Alsace formed the “Badisch-Elsässischen Bürgerinitiativen, joining their forces to articulate their dissent towards decisions taken by the governments and the energy providers. Furthermore, the interaction and spill-over-effects between the anti-nuclear activists in the “Dreyeckland”, an imaginary region brought to life by German, French and Swiss anti-nuclear activists are examined. By stressing common cultural roots such as local dialect and the regional history, the anti-nuclear activists in the upper Rhine region tried to distinguish themselves from the authorities in Paris and Stuttgart. Finally, based on a regional study, it is analyzed which influence the citizens’ initiatives had on the anti-nuclear movements in Germany and France in general.

The New Zealand Labour Party's election victory on 14 July 1984 resulted in an official rejection of the global strategy of nuclear deterrence. This action was the most fundamental challenge to the defence relationship between New Zealand and the United States since the signing of the ANZUS Treaty on 1 September 1951. This thesis is concerned with the effect of Prime Minister David Lange's personality on the resulting dispute between the two nations. This qualitative study utilises a theoretical framework articulated by Margaret G. Hermann which seeks to demonstrate the relationship between the idiosyncratic characteristics of leaders and the foreign policy behaviour of their respective nations. In order to effectively conduct this study, a number of key individuals involved in various aspects of the ANZUS dispute were interviewed by this author. It should be noted that David Lange was seriously ill throughout the course of this study and was unable to be interviewed by the author. Sir Geoffrey Palmer declined to be interviewed for this study. Following the introductory chapter of this study, a review of the literature concerned with the analysis of leadership and personality is undertaken. The powers of the Prime Minister in the New Zealand political system are examined as are the events surrounding the execution of New Zealand's anti-nuclear policy and the ANZUS dispute. This thesis then assesses the effect of Lange's personality on the dispute through an examination of situational factors, and a variety of aspects of his personality. This thesis finds that Lange's personality was instrumental in determining the course of events in the ANZUS crisis. Furthermore, this study concludes that Hermann's theoretical framework is a useful tool in determining the effect of a leader's personality on a particular foreign policy outcome.

abstract: This dissertation examines how Indian polities have resisted and accommodated nuclear energy into their existing culture, politics and environment from the 1960s to the present. I document sites of friction between the nuclear establishment, urban activists, and local communities to trace how their engagements changed because of key ruptures in Indian nuclear history, namely Chernobyl, the US-India nuclear deal, and the Fukushima nuclear disaster. I interrogate the concept of ‘civic epistemologies,’ which was developed by comparative regulatory policy analysts in STS to explain how different national regulatory systems follow distinct cultural modes of evaluating the objectivity and credibility of policy-relevant scientific knowledge, evidence and expertise to arrive at different conclusions about similar technologies. By following how various actors are mobilizing cultures and institutions of knowledge production and deliberation to further political goals around nuclear power in India, as well as how these goals shape knowledge practices, I demonstrate that citizens’ desire to ‘scientize’ politics by creating a political culture of scientific debate around nuclear matters—thereby creating the forms of public reason as seen in Western nuclear debates—requires politicizing science to render it a publicly accessible rationality. As such, I argue that the creation of science- based, policy-relevant knowledge and politics should be seen as part and parcel of a particular variant of liberal democratic nation-building—albeit one that is inherently exclusionary, coercive and politically fraught. Using a mixed-methods approach of multi-sited ethnographies of five villages opposing nuclear energy, interviews with a wide range of actors, event ethnographies, oral histories and document collection and analysis, I discovered that urban and rural activists, politicians and regulatory officials articulate and enact different imaginaries of nuclear energy and democratic politics and participate in competing processes of knowledge-making and political formation. Democratic maneuvering and full access to the privileges of civil society are allowed actors who share the state's imaginary of nuclear power's role in achieving sovereignty and self-reliance, while others are not granted such affordances. Moreover, the state reproduces colonial sociopolitical categories in how it deals with the differential knowledge politics espoused by its rural, agrarian constituents and its urban elite citizens. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Human and Social Dimensions of Science and Technology 2016

The subject of the thesis is a transformation of the anti-nuclear shelter situated in the city center, which no longer fulfils its original function. The main goal of the project is to integrate the shelter to surrounding public spaces. The proposal uses the potential of the suitable location on the edge of the historical center of Brno by inclusion of public facilities with cultural functions that are able to use the uniqueness of the underground space. The aim of the study is to point out this unused building, initiate discussion. My quest is to bring new impulse to the city, to enhance the site with a new feature, make a pleasant urban space to residents of the city and also bring life to the place.

Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements Of the Master of Arts Degree In Sociology At the University of Witwatersrand Department of sociology / The main purpose of this research is to provide an analysis of opposition to nuclear energy in South Africa, focusing on organisations and activists opposed to the current nuclear build programme. The organisations opposed to nuclear include Earthlife Africa, Greenpeace, Coalition Against nuclear Energy, national Union of Mineworkers, the Economic Freedom fighters and Democratic Alliance, COSATU and other organisations. The study utilises a qualitative approach, mainly document analysis complimented by indepth expert interviews. The South African nuclear energy programme is a polarised issue triggering intense and often emotive debate on both sides, anti-nuclear activists and pronuclear proponents. The research pays specific attention to anti-nuclear activists and organisations opposed to South Africa's nuclear energy programme. In order to understand the anti-nuclear position, I have also incorporated pro-nuclear arguments in the study to have a better grasp of the concerns raised by organisations opposing nuclear energy. There are three main points of conflict: economic, environmental, and political. I show how opponents have framed resistance around cost and safety concerns, environmental impacts associated with nuclear and the nexus of elite political capture of state resources. / Andrew Chakane 2021

本研究は、トルコで40年以上にわたり続く反原発運動の特徴や戦略を分析するとともに、環境運動がトルコの民主化過程において果たした役割を考察したものである。社会運動研究の枠組みを採用し、運動参加者の用いる表現など文化的側面にも注目して、運動のフレーミング戦略を分析した。反原発運動は自らを「自由と民主主義を求める運動」としてフレーミングし、運動スタイルの祝祭性や創造性を通じて、運動過程においても民主的空間を予示的政治として実現させていることを明らかにした。 / This study evaluates the role of environmental movements in Turkey’s democratization process, with a specific focus on anti-nuclear movement, which has continued since the middle of the 1970s. To analyze the anti-nuclear movement’s features and strategy, this study uses theories of social movement and flaming analysis, focusing on how the movement appeals to the public and expresses itself. This study found out that the anti-nuclear movement in Turkey flames itself as a movement for freedom and democracy. Besides, as prefigurative politics, the movement embodies freedom and democracy within the ongoing practice of the movement through its festival-like style and creativity. / 博士(グローバル社会研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University