Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The demise of apartheid presented South Africa with an opportunity to rebuild itself from its painful racist past to become a home to all those who live in it. This was done through a process of nation-building, which took the form of a multicultural civic nation, affectionately known as the Rainbow Nation, that embraces diverse cultures while affirming that individual citizens have equal rights. This thesis argues that the building of the Rainbow Nation has been somewhat successful, but more on a symbolic than institutional level, and that enduring forms of racial exclusion from socio-economic well-being pose the greatest threat to constructing a united, multicultural nation of civic equals.

South Africa has had three periods of historiographical change. As South Africa has transitioned from colonialism, to apartheid, to democracy, historiography has been influenced by those in power. Post-1994 and with the onset of a democratic government, the Nation sought to create a new historiographical framework. However, as this attempt to build a National historiography developed questions could be raised as to whether this historiography was inclusive of a variety of sources? This dissertation looks at three areas regarding South African historiography. First, the current role of Churches in South Africa in fostering historiography. Second, the theological framework of "Ras, Volk en Nasie", the "Kairos Document", and the "Belhar Confession". Third, the depiction of South Africa by the Church of Scotland's National magazine "Life and Work" during 1975 – 1985. By looking at this time period, the thesis shows that as various strands of theology developed in South Africa, these changes had connotations within the Church of Scotland. Life and Work shows a distinct change in attitude towards the Dutch Reformed Church and the Black Consciousness movement. It argues that underrepresented stories about South Africa allow for a holistic historiography. Churches in South Africa have an opportunity to use their position within society to develop this holistic historiography and thus, historiography becomes a practical theological issue. / Dissertation (MTh)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Church History and Church Policy / MTh / Unrestricted

Magister Artium - MA / The purpose of this study is to explore how “queerness” is both represented and suppressed in select South African fiction. The study will investigate to what extent a post-colonial form of education reinforces the colonial and apartheid traditions of South African normative masculinities in same-sex, educational environments. These aspects will be explored and investigated in John Van de Ruit‟s Spud: A wickedly funny novel (2005), Spud: The madness continues… (2007), Spud: Learning to Fly (2010), and will be complemented with an investigation of the recent South African film, Inxeba (2017). The series of novels and films demonstrate how the contestation between queerness and traditional masculinity threatens heteronormativity and how various forms of violence try to enforce a dominant South African masculinity.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This dissertation is an exploration of everyday social interactions among and between migrants from the Great Lakes Region and South Africans, who live together as neighbours in a post-apartheid South African community. It focuses on the ways through which migrants who are diverse among themselves forge social relations with one another and with the South Africans in an urban township of lower middle class setting. It is an ethnography that interrogates the understandings of belonging and difference in concrete arenas of interaction in these two groups, and how they both mediate their diversity encounters in everyday life.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / The ideal and practice of administrative neutrality has been problematic in the public services of liberal democracies since the middle of the 19th century. Either the ideal was interpreted very narrowly to exclude public administration from political processes, or it has been too broadly incorporated to render its meaning practically useless. However, both literature and practice continue to emphasize the importance of the ideal. This study has attempted to clarify the meaning of the concept by examining its evolution and applicability in various liberal democratic states. Additionally, the study has developed a model of administrative neutrality for the post- apartheid South African public service. The study was guided by three broad assumptions: and these were: i) that the concept of administrative neutrality was not an antonym of politicization, and that whenever such meaning was imputed its applicability was bound to be compromised if not misguided; ii) that the applicability of administrative neutrality depended, among other things, on the constitutional experience and context of a given country; and that iii) administrative neutrality tended to emphasize those elements that are topical at a given time in a given country. Comparative experiences of older liberal democracies examined in the study lent support to these broad assumptions: thus, the British version of administrative neutrality has been conditioned by its political and administrative traditions in which the evolution of democratic political institutions dictated the subjection of administrative institutions to elected political leadership. By contrast, the French experience has reflected that country's administrative history in which public administration evolved much earlier than liberal democracy, and practices like permitting civil servants to seek political office without having to resign their posts was perceived as posing no danger to the ideal of neutrality. Similarly, the American model in which the top layer of public administrators are political appointees has been a product of its history which has had a heavy dosage of partisan patronage. However, despite the differences in terms of models and applicability of the concept the public services in all older liberal democracies examined showed a clear commitment to administrative neutrality in the form of a professionally appointed and managed public service. All the three older democracies examined here has clearly done away with the concept of patronage in the professional section of their public services. Based on the analysis of the three older democracies, a model has been developed for post-apartheid South Africa. First, it was observed that current practices of administrative neutrality in South Africa have been heavily influenced by both apartheid and British or Whitehall traditions. However, the 1996 constitution prescribes a public service that is nonpartisan and impartial, with the public service commission as the watchdog for its implementation. The study has noted that a few problems exist in the current practice of administrative neutrality. First, the practice of involving the minister in the department or premier in the province in matters of appointing permanent staff was regarded as anomalous. Second, that there was lack of specification of involvement by level of civil servants in partisan activities. Third, that the present arrangements do not make adequate checks and balances between ministerial responsibility for personnel and the role of the public service commission, and between the minister and the director- general. Fourth and finally, the absence of the head of the civil service who could cultivate, promote and defend the ethic of civil service neutrality. The proposed model addresses these issues and includes the following elements: commitment to national goals as a recognition of the fact that administrative neutrality does not mean avoidance of national political ideals and goals; merit as the basis for appointment and promotion to ensure against the spoils system; partisan neutrality in which civil servants at all levels do not participate in any partisan activities, but that this provision could be reviewed from time to time as the country's administrative culture evolves; institutional checks and balances in which the public service commission, the head of the civil service , and the re-designing of the office and even title of the director-general. At the moment there are no really checks and balances vis-a-vis ministerial role in the civil service. Finally, the model recommends general fairness and impartiality of the civil service as part of the neutrality concept. The model might meet some resistance due to entrenched traditions of the past or misconstruing of the ideal of neutrality itself by current practitioners. The study concludes by posing a few questions: what is the relationship between neutrality and civil service effectiveness? How does the policy of representative bureaucracy (i.e.: affirmative action) impact upon the merit principle? These and other questions have not been addressed in the study due to limitation of time and resources. Nonetheless, the ideal of administrative neutrality holds out the hope for a civil service that is emerging from the scars of apartheid politicization.

This study is aimed at identifying ways in which architecture can facilitate social cohesion and desegregation. The preindustrial vernacular, which has failed to adapt from apartheid ideologies, has been proposed to include social integration as opposed to the creation of segregated environments. This is achieved through the design of an urban waiting room and gateway at the threshold between Pretoria Station and the inner city of Pretoria. The investigation can be summarised as creating entopia, which translates to achievable space, focus on architecture of the every day, cater to real world needs of city users and address problems unique to place and setting - which in the context of Pretoria, includes the promotion of social integration. Copyright 2011, University of Pretoria. All rights reserved. The copyright in this work vests in the University of Pretoria. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the University of Pretoria. Please cite as follows: Heinrich, O 2011, Entopia : creating an urban transition space, MArch(Prof) dissertation, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, viewed yymmdd < http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11292011-162950 / > C12/4/38/gm / Dissertation (MArch(Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Architecture / unrestricted

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Social and Psychological Research. July 2019 / The psychosocial condition and socioeconomic position of black employees in the South African workplace remain unchanged in spite of the advent of democracy in 1994. The black employee’s racial experience in the workplace is indicative of the normative experience of blackness in contemporary South African society that is in agreement with the everyday familiarity of socioeconomic disadvantage and psychosocial subjugation that affects the overall existential experience of blackness. As such, hostile racial interactions in the workplace reflect that the socioeconomic and psychosocial changes expected post-apartheid are materialising at seemingly substandard rates. The current investigation utilised a phenomenological approach to the broader critical psychology of race the interpretive research paradigm and semi-structured interviews to direct thematic data analysis techniques that informed the study conclusions. The participant group consisted of eight tertiary educated black employees, one male and seven females, with an age range of 21 to 27 years, with workplace experience ranging from two weeks to four years. The results of this investigation significantly shows the inefficiency of the democratic redress policy in the facilitation of workplace diversification, and its ineptitude in expediting psychosocial and socioeconomic inclusion, integration and participation such that the existential black employee’s experience of racial identity in the post-apartheid South African workplace is not adversarial. The findings of this investigation suggest that the instances of on-going racism in the workplace are the result of an institutional socioeconomic investment in racial inequality that facilitates hostile racial interactions in the workplace. / NG (2020)

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / Post-apartheid South Africa has strived for change through the implementation of preferential procurement policy legislations such as the Black Economic Empowerment Act, Employment Equality Act, as well as the right to education for all has opened opportunities for many who were previously disadvantage. Being black in apartheid South Africa meant being middle class came with many constant difficulties of negotiating boundaries with community members that were not middle class and spaces that were middle class but white, thus raising several racial dynamics not experienced at ‘home.’ Being black in post-apartheid South Africa has also come with difficulties of constantly evolving social identity changes and categorisation.

Masters of Art / This Creative Writing project is an album of South African songs written specifically in the context of American blues music. Although blues is an intrinsically American genre of Western popular music, it has its roots (along with other African-American forms of musical expression such as ragtime and jazz) in African culture, and as a South African musician and writer, I am intrigued by the possibilities of exploring African-American blues in the context of South Africa. This project therefore attempts some hybridity between these two cultural expressions, and to ascertain what kinds of lyric might be possible in modern South Africa in terms of the formation and perpetuation of a South African identity. Blues songs traditionally have a rather narrow focus as far as lyrics are concerned, but the genre’s melodic structure, its instrumentation and its very specific vocal qualities have over the last century formed the bedrock of the whole of modern Western popular music.

When the National Party came into power in 1948, Apartheid began to influence all facets of South African life, also that of the theatre. This study documents Apartheid legislation and the resistance against it, then turns to a consideration of the most important protest dramas. The complex political background is utilized to identify and discuss three distinct lines of development, represented by the Afrikaans, English and Black theatre traditions. The Afrikaans-speaking white playwright was initially part of the Afrikaner's encompassing struggle for self-determination and self-assertion, where language, religion and nationalism played a dominant role. After the realization of the Afrikaner Nationalist ideals the Afrikaans writer gradually developed from mythbuilder to iconoclast: from "national hero" to "traitor". The resulting Afrikaans political protest theatre was aimed mainly at fellow Afrikaners and thus usually took on the guise of a drama of conscience, critically examining the Afrikaner psyche. Such plays did not advocate the subversion of the political system, but rather the humanization thereof. It comes from within the system: an examination of the Afrikaner, his ideas about religion, his ties to the land, his racial fear and prejudice, and his obsession with racial purity. The English speaking white playwright was initially represented as the liberal outsider with a humanitarian concern for the injustices wrought by racial discrimination, but at the same time sharing a sense of complicity in the situation and deeply rooted in the country. This complicity evolved into a full acceptance of responsibility by means of their involvement with black theatre groups, the establishment and management of non-racial theatres and companies, guidance to workshops and community projects, as well as the creation and writing of new plays. The criticism expressed predominantly derives from "white" perspectives on the South African reality (which tend to fix on the colour issue). The exceptions here are Athol Fugard' s workshop productions, which incorporate the "black experience" as well. The Black protest theatre (in its recognizable, Western form) developed late. Exposing the misery of the black citizen's daily existence under Apartheid, these works advocated the violent overthrow of the "regime" as the only permanent solution. Measured against Western standards the plays had a number of flaws: lack of structure, undisciplined acting and production, repetitive themes, cliches, as well as a tendency to over-simplify the political problem. The form incorporates aspects of traditional practices such as story-telling, song, dance, multi-role acting and ceremonial actions, but the content is determined by the urban, industrialized experience. Although there are more similarities between the development of the Black and Afrikaans political protest theatre, co-operation tended to develop largely between the Black and English theatre. In the decade after Soweto 1976 political protest dominated the South African theatre. While this movement did not actually succeed in subverting the "regime" or even in generating full-scale insurgence against the state, it did have an effect. Among the economically advantaged and elite white theatregoers, the "black" theatre fostered an awareness of daily life in the black community, and the "white" theatre a questioning of the morality of the social, religious and political order. The same plays provided the broad mass of black audiences with a heightened awareness of their own identity and self-esteem within the communal escape valve of public protest. By granting this form of theatre a prominent place in the ongoing public debate, the daily newspapers markedly increased the theatre's influence and impact. / Afrikaans: Met die bewindsoorname van die Nasionale Party in 1948 begin Apartheid 'n invloed op alle vlakke van die Suid-Afrikaanse bestaan uitoefen, ook op die teater. In hierdie studie word die Apartheidswetgewing en die verset daarteen uiteengesit, waarna die belangrikste protesdramas van die Afrikaanse, Engelse en Swart teater afsonderlik as drie ontwikkelingstrome teen hierdie komplekse politieke agtergrond beskryf word. Die Afrikaanssprekende blanke dramaturg skryf aanvanklik vanuit die totale Afrikanerstryd tot selfvestiging en -bevestiging, waarin taal, godsdiens en nasionalisme sentraal staan. Na die verwesenliking van die AfrikanerNasionalistiese ideale begin die Afrikaanse skrywer geleidelik ontwikkel van mitefiseerder tot ikonoklaster: van "volksheld" tot "volksverraaier". Die Afrikaanse politieke protesdrama is veral teen die mede-Afrikaner gemik, en word daarom meestal gewetensdrama wat die Afrikanerpsige krities ondersoek. Dit bepleit nie die omverwerping van die bestel nie, eerder die mensliker-maak daarvan. Dit kom van binne die sisteem: 'n ondersoek na die Afrikaner, sy godsdiensbegrip, gebondenheid aan die grond, rasse-vrees en -vooroordeel en sy obsessie met rasse-suiwerheid. Die Engelssprekende blanke dramaturg het aanvanklik die indruk gewek van die liberate buitestaander wat humaniter-besorg die onreg van rasse-diskriminasie aandui, maar terselfdertyd ook 'n mede-aandadigheid aan die situasie en 'n geworteldheid in die land ervaar. Hierdie aandadigheid ontwikkel tot 'n volle aanspreeklikheid in die samewerking met swart teatergroepe, die oprig en bestuur van nie-rassige teaters en geselskappe, optrede _ as leiers van werkwinkels en gemeenskapsprojekte en die skep en skryf van dramas. Die kritiek kom oorwegend vanuit die "blanke" realiteitbeskouing (wat wesenlik kleurbehep is) met die uitsondering van Athol Fugard se werkwinkelprojekte waarin die "swart ervaring" uitgebeeld word. Die Swart protesteater (in sy herkenbare, Westerse vorm) het 'n laat ontwikkeling gehad. Dit openbaar die ellende van die alledaagse bestaan van die swartman onder Apartheid en bepleit die gewelddadige omverwerping van die "regime" as enigste blywende oplossing. Gemeet aan Westerse standaarde het dit heelwat gebreke gehad: struktuurloosheid, ongedissiplineerde spel en aanbieding, herhalende temas, cliches, asook oorvereenvoudiging van die problematiek. Die vorm daarvan sluit nou aan by tradisionele gebruike soos vertelling, sang, dans, multi-rolspel en seremoniele handeling. Die inhoud word egter bepaal deur die stedelike, geindustrialiseerde ervaring. Alhoewel daar meer raakpunte tussen die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse en Swart politieke protesteater is, het samewerking veral tussen Swart en Engels plaasgevind, en nie tussen Afrikaans en Swart nie. In die dekade na Soweto 1976 was daar 'n ontploffing van politieke protesteater. Dit het nie die omverwerping van die "regime~_ of 'n grootskaalse opstand teen die staatsgesag veroorsaak nie. Wat wel bereik is, is dat daar deur die "swart" teater by 'n groep blanke toeskouers, uit die hoer klasse van die samelewing, 'n bewussyn gekweek is van die daaglikse lewensomstandighede van die anderskleurige Suid-Afrikaner; deur die "wit" teater 'n bevraagtekening van die moraliteit van die sosiale, godsdienstige en politieke orde; en by die swart gehore 'n verhoogde bewussyn van die eie identiteit en waarde binne die saambindende uitlaatklep van openbare protes. Terselfdertyd het die dagblaaie deur hulle omvangryke verslaggewing hierdie vorm van teater in die openbare debat geplaas en daardeur die trefkrag en invloed verhoog. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 1994. / Drama / DPhil / Unrestricted