In this thesis, I discuss the constraints and mediations on political discourse in the Ethiopian Diaspora in North America. I use the amateur sports federation, the Ethiopian Sports Federation in North America (ESFNA) as a site for this analysis, looking both at the online media campaign carried out when a split occurred in the institution and its 2017 tournament. The sport’s federation is a space for the diaspora to unite and pass down the cultural forms that distinguish it to the next generation. I argue that the political discourse of the diaspora is constrained by how the diaspora continues to (re)define its self in relations to the memories and imaginations of its homeland and its desire to remain a united and distinct community. Chapter 1 provides an analysis of the migratory history of the Ethiopian diaspora in North America. This history pinpoints the diaspora’s reproduction of a unifying hegemonic Amhara national identity that is not supported by the current ruling party in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). This is the history fuels the memory and imagination of the homeland that informs the mythico-histories that it produces to define the types of politics are supported or tolerated in the diaspora. Chapter 2 discuss the use of mythico-histories by anti-government groups in their campaign to boycott against the All Ethiopian Sports Association One (AESAONE)’s tournament. These narratives reveal the formation of an alliance between the apolitical sports’ federation ESFNA and aggressively anti-government groups in the diaspora. Finally, in Chapter 3 I analyze the symbiotic relationship between these anti-government groups and ESFNA and some of the way it shapes the political discourse at the 2017 ESFNA tournament. The tournament is a mediated space in which ESFNA’s apolitical unifying mission and the anti-government group's message are able to exist together.

Le conseil épicurien d’éviter la participation politique a reçu maintes interprétations, souvent obscures et mal fondées. L’attitude apolitique ne peut être définie comme un simple manque d’intérêt ou de préoccupation pour la politique ; en effet, selon l’opinion de Pierre Hadot, la philosophie ancienne est profondément ancrée dans l’existence et les doctrines philosophiques n’acquièrent de l’importance que lorsqu’elles assistent le praxis. L’attitude d’Épicure est donc enracinée dans le refus de vivre selon des normes prescrites par l’établissement politique. Selon lui, la politique traditionnelle est vouée à l’échec puisqu’elle poursuit aveuglément le pouvoir et la richesse. En réaction à cette situation, Épicure crée une communauté qui instaure de nouvelles valeurs et au sein de laquelle il est possible de vivre conformément à ces nouvelles valeurs. Se situant en totale opposition aux modes de vie les plus fondamentaux de la cité, les adeptes d’Épicure, s’ils participaient à la vie politique, déclencheraient une grande hostilité de la part des partisans des valeurs traditionnelles. Pour cette raison, l’attitude épicurienne peut d’abord représenter une manière d’éviter la persécution politique. De plus, s’il est admis que la politique implique la poursuite du pouvoir, les épicuriens ne peuvent s’y adonner puisque cela serait contradictoire à leur quête d’ataraxie. À tous égards et indépendamment de ces deux motifs justifiant le retrait de la vie politique, il est clair que si l’attitude d’Épicure ne reposait pas sur une conscience politique, alors, ses critiques à l’égard de la vie politique, son désir de s’y soustraire et la création d’une communauté distincte n’auraient pas été. La politique a le pouvoir de profondément modeler la vie des gens. Considérant que ce conditionnement s’appuie sur des valeurs malsaines, le projet épicurien s’applique donc à remodeler, à la lumière de nouvelles valeurs, la vie de ceux qui ne trouvent aucune satisfaction à poursuivre la vie de la cité. / Epicurus’ advice to avoid political participation has been the object of a number of confusing and sometimes ungrounded interpretations. Based on Pierre Hadot’s view that ancient philosophy was fundamentally rooted in existence, and that philosophical doctrines were only important insofar as they assisted a praxis, the apolitical attitude cannot be understood merely as a lack of interest and concern for politics. On the contrary, Epicurus’ attitude was rooted in a refusal to live the way of life prescribed by the political establishment. For him, traditional politics failed at making the life of citizens better on account of their excessive lust for power and wealth. In response to this situation, Epicurus’ project was aimed at creating a community in which it was possible to develop new values and live by them. Had the Epicurean community participated politically, being in direct opposition to the most fundamental ways of life of the city, it would have involved a great deal of hostility from partisans of traditional values. Thus, Epicurus’ attitude may be justified first as a means to avoid political persecution. Second, since politics implied a significant amount of struggle for power, its pursuit clearly went against the prescribed undisturbed life of Epicureanism. At any rate, regardless of these two motives to avoid political participation, it is clear that if Epicurus’ attitude had not been politically inspired then his criticism of political life, his avoidance of it, and the creation of an alternative community would have never taken place. Politics has the power of shaping the life of people in profound ways. Seeing how this conditioning was based on unhealthy values, Epicurus’ project, therefore, was to reshape anew, under the light of new values, the life of those who did not find satisfaction in the way of life of the city.

Le conseil épicurien d’éviter la participation politique a reçu maintes interprétations, souvent obscures et mal fondées. L’attitude apolitique ne peut être définie comme un simple manque d’intérêt ou de préoccupation pour la politique ; en effet, selon l’opinion de Pierre Hadot, la philosophie ancienne est profondément ancrée dans l’existence et les doctrines philosophiques n’acquièrent de l’importance que lorsqu’elles assistent le praxis. L’attitude d’Épicure est donc enracinée dans le refus de vivre selon des normes prescrites par l’établissement politique. Selon lui, la politique traditionnelle est vouée à l’échec puisqu’elle poursuit aveuglément le pouvoir et la richesse. En réaction à cette situation, Épicure crée une communauté qui instaure de nouvelles valeurs et au sein de laquelle il est possible de vivre conformément à ces nouvelles valeurs. Se situant en totale opposition aux modes de vie les plus fondamentaux de la cité, les adeptes d’Épicure, s’ils participaient à la vie politique, déclencheraient une grande hostilité de la part des partisans des valeurs traditionnelles. Pour cette raison, l’attitude épicurienne peut d’abord représenter une manière d’éviter la persécution politique. De plus, s’il est admis que la politique implique la poursuite du pouvoir, les épicuriens ne peuvent s’y adonner puisque cela serait contradictoire à leur quête d’ataraxie. À tous égards et indépendamment de ces deux motifs justifiant le retrait de la vie politique, il est clair que si l’attitude d’Épicure ne reposait pas sur une conscience politique, alors, ses critiques à l’égard de la vie politique, son désir de s’y soustraire et la création d’une communauté distincte n’auraient pas été. La politique a le pouvoir de profondément modeler la vie des gens. Considérant que ce conditionnement s’appuie sur des valeurs malsaines, le projet épicurien s’applique donc à remodeler, à la lumière de nouvelles valeurs, la vie de ceux qui ne trouvent aucune satisfaction à poursuivre la vie de la cité. / Epicurus’ advice to avoid political participation has been the object of a number of confusing and sometimes ungrounded interpretations. Based on Pierre Hadot’s view that ancient philosophy was fundamentally rooted in existence, and that philosophical doctrines were only important insofar as they assisted a praxis, the apolitical attitude cannot be understood merely as a lack of interest and concern for politics. On the contrary, Epicurus’ attitude was rooted in a refusal to live the way of life prescribed by the political establishment. For him, traditional politics failed at making the life of citizens better on account of their excessive lust for power and wealth. In response to this situation, Epicurus’ project was aimed at creating a community in which it was possible to develop new values and live by them. Had the Epicurean community participated politically, being in direct opposition to the most fundamental ways of life of the city, it would have involved a great deal of hostility from partisans of traditional values. Thus, Epicurus’ attitude may be justified first as a means to avoid political persecution. Second, since politics implied a significant amount of struggle for power, its pursuit clearly went against the prescribed undisturbed life of Epicureanism. At any rate, regardless of these two motives to avoid political participation, it is clear that if Epicurus’ attitude had not been politically inspired then his criticism of political life, his avoidance of it, and the creation of an alternative community would have never taken place. Politics has the power of shaping the life of people in profound ways. Seeing how this conditioning was based on unhealthy values, Epicurus’ project, therefore, was to reshape anew, under the light of new values, the life of those who did not find satisfaction in the way of life of the city.

Le Massachusetts, colonie fondée et exclusivement dirigée jusqu’en 1684 par des Puritains organisés en Églises congrégationalistes, est le dernier État à supprimer l’impôt pour le culte de son texte constitutionnel. Bien que les critères de citoyenneté élargissent le droit de vote dès la fin du XVIIIe siècle, la nature des liens entre Églises et État demeure jusqu’en 1829 une question qui mobilise les citoyens du Massachusetts au travers de leur appartenance à une Église. Cette logique d’Église s’impose quelles que puissent être les autres convictions personnelles. Par conséquent, le Massachusetts, dont la majorité des Églises relève toujours du système congrégationaliste en 1829 – contrairement à un paysage religieux beaucoup plus diversifié dans les autres États – s’en tient au statu quo sur l’impôt cultuel (et l’obligation d’assistance au culte, inscrite dans sa Constitution) jusqu’au début des années 1830. L’objectif de cette thèse est de montrer que la campagne de pétitions de 1829-1832 demandant l’abrogation de l’impôt cultuel constitue une démarche citoyenne et personnelle qui s’affranchit non seulement des logiques partisanes mais plus encore de tout cadre confessionnel. / The Massachusetts Bay Colony was founded by Puritans and up to 1684 only men who had been accepted into a Church covenant could vote. The Massachusetts churches were organized in a congregational system which remained the main denomination in the State until 1833, the end of our period of study. Even though the right to vote was extended at the end of the 17th century, the citizens’ position on the relation between Church and State remained that of their Church. Thus, in spite of opposition from the Baptists, who were only a small minority when the citizens ratified the Constitution in 1780, the Massachusetts Constitution allowed towns to tax residents in order to support churches and ministers. Up to 1829, despite the proliferation of religious denominations, there was no public debate about the church tax beyond the circle of church leaders. No record exists of any petition or bill emanating from private citizens to abolish the tax. However, all the other States in the Union had already abolished the system. The aim of this thesis is to show that the 1829-1832 campaign of petitions calling for the end of the church tax was the result of popular and individual activity which had freed itself from any political or Church discipline.

The thesis follows up citizenship competence of a teacher and its influence on the conception of teaching. It shows components of the citizenship competence and presents it in the personality of the teacher, in educational and other documents, in education generally and in teacher's active approach in school and in life. Qualitative research looks into the influence of citizenship competence of the teacher on his approach to teaching. It introduces the personalities of teachers of civic and social sciences, their views on citizenship competence and its parts, which they observe on themselves. The research results also present an overall approach to developing this competence in pupils and students and ways of promoting good citizenship in school. The topic of an apolitical school also mentioned in the thesis. Interviews with teachers and observations of teaching are used as research methods.

This dissertation deals with the concepts glasnost and perestroika during the Gorbachev era 1985–1991. It offers an explanation to the rise and fall of these concepts and casts light on their modern and postmodern implications, as well as their historical and generational preconditions. In light of the Soviet and Russian conceptual history, Gorbachev’s articulation of glasnost and perestroika is contrasted with the reception of these concepts in what at that time came to be called Russian postmodernism. Glasnost and perestroika both confirm and transcend Soviet modernity. They are both future-oriented but at the same time possess retrospective anchorage. The present study reconstructs the experience encapsulated in the concepts, the expectations they unleashed and the tensions they triggered. The Gorbachev era signaled a rupture in the temporal order of modernity. During this time Soviet modernity lost confidence in its self. With glasnost and perestroika a suppressed past opened up which blocked the futurist potential inherent in the present. The concept-theoretical perspective assumed in the dissertation helps explain essential aspects of the dramatic turn of events. Postmodernism’s relationship to the concepts is mainly antagonistic. At the same time glasnost and perestroika were essential to the self-identity creating process of postmodernism and its development of an understanding of a specific late Soviet postmodern situation. Beneath the surface a conflict evolves, constituted in intergenerational terms. The vast differences in deployment of the two key notions appear related to generation specific historical experiences. This is apparent in the glasnost- and perestroika discussions of the 19th and 20th centuries. In several respects the 20th century discourse reflects that of the 19th century. The analysis in the present dissertation demonstrates how Gorbachev, on the basis of his generation-specific experience as a man of the 1960s actively sought to articulate an alternative reconstruction (perestroika) and did so with a distinct ideological accent. The postmodernists, the last Soviet generation, bore the imprint of the stagnation of the Brezhnev era and had no ideal past to resuscitate. Instead of reconstructing social reality they tried to place themselves outside it. This apolitical stance however embodied both anti-political and political implications.

German text / Gegenstand dieser Studie ist die historische Erforschung der deutschen Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen, modern ausgedrückt der evangelikalen Missionen in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Die bisherige Forschung hatte diesen Themenkomplex vernachlässigt. Diese Studie beschreibt, wie sich diese Missionsgesellschaften im Umfeld des nationalsozialistischen Unrechtsregimes verhielten. Da die Quellenlage problematisch ist, wird anhand der Missionsblätter aufgezeigt, wie die Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen zur Machtergreifung Hitlers standen. Dabei kristallisierte sich heraus, dass man sich überwiegend abseits von Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus positionierte. Allerdings blieb man in den Missionsblättern zur Bekennenden Kirche distanziert. Im Hauptteil dieser Studie kommt ein aus dem Quellenmaterial eruiertes Positionenspektrum zum Vorschein, welches von NS-Affinität bis Verfolgung reicht. Dieses ist an acht biographischen Einzelstudien nachgezeichnet. Schließlich hat sich gezeigt, dass die Schuldfrage in der Nachkriegzeit kaum eine Rolle spielte. Als Ergebnis kann konstatiert werden, dass die politische Ethik der Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen nur rudimentär vorhanden war und sich lediglich in Obrigkeitsgehorsam und apolitischer Grundhaltung zeigt. / The subject of this study is a historical examination of the German faith-missions (in contemporary terms: evangelical missions) during the period of National Socialism. This topic has been neglected in scholarly research to date. This study describes how these mission agencies acted in the context of the unlawful regime of National Socialism. Due to a problematic source basis, the attitude the faith missions took towards the ursupation of power by Hitler is demonstrated based on their own periodical publications. It emerges that they largely positioned themselves at a distance to National Socialism, racism and anti-semitism. However these publications also demonstrate a distance to the “Confessing Church”. In the main body the examination of eight exemplary biographies based on detailed sources portrays an array of different positions which range from affinity to the NS-system to persecution. Furthermore the study shows that the issue of failure or guilt hardly played any role in the postwar period. This study leads to the conclusion the political ethics of the German faith missions were only rudimentarily developed, and only evinced themselves in an obedience to the powers that be and in a basically apolitical attitude. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

German text / Gegenstand dieser Studie ist die historische Erforschung der deutschen Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen, modern ausgedrückt der evangelikalen Missionen in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Die bisherige Forschung hatte diesen Themenkomplex vernachlässigt. Diese Studie beschreibt, wie sich diese Missionsgesellschaften im Umfeld des nationalsozialistischen Unrechtsregimes verhielten. Da die Quellenlage problematisch ist, wird anhand der Missionsblätter aufgezeigt, wie die Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen zur Machtergreifung Hitlers standen. Dabei kristallisierte sich heraus, dass man sich überwiegend abseits von Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus positionierte. Allerdings blieb man in den Missionsblättern zur Bekennenden Kirche distanziert. Im Hauptteil dieser Studie kommt ein aus dem Quellenmaterial eruiertes Positionenspektrum zum Vorschein, welches von NS-Affinität bis Verfolgung reicht. Dieses ist an acht biographischen Einzelstudien nachgezeichnet. Schließlich hat sich gezeigt, dass die Schuldfrage in der Nachkriegzeit kaum eine Rolle spielte. Als Ergebnis kann konstatiert werden, dass die politische Ethik der Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen nur rudimentär vorhanden war und sich lediglich in Obrigkeitsgehorsam und apolitischer Grundhaltung zeigt. / The subject of this study is a historical examination of the German faith-missions (in contemporary terms: evangelical missions) during the period of National Socialism. This topic has been neglected in scholarly research to date. This study describes how these mission agencies acted in the context of the unlawful regime of National Socialism. Due to a problematic source basis, the attitude the faith missions took towards the ursupation of power by Hitler is demonstrated based on their own periodical publications. It emerges that they largely positioned themselves at a distance to National Socialism, racism and anti-semitism. However these publications also demonstrate a distance to the “Confessing Church”. In the main body the examination of eight exemplary biographies based on detailed sources portrays an array of different positions which range from affinity to the NS-system to persecution. Furthermore the study shows that the issue of failure or guilt hardly played any role in the postwar period. This study leads to the conclusion the political ethics of the German faith missions were only rudimentarily developed, and only evinced themselves in an obedience to the powers that be and in a basically apolitical attitude. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)