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This thesis examines the role of British localities in the production of military force during the 1920s and 1930s. I argue that, during an era so disenfranchising for the armed forces in national politics and culture, the 'Local' provided a haven for servicemen and military units. Rather than theorising mobilisation as a set of state centred economic or technocratic proscriptions, this research takes the social and cultural renewal of military units as a starting point. Drawing on a range of historical and anthropological methodologies, I have set out to uncover what were - to borrow Foucault's phrase - 'regimes of truth': multiple ideological currents and social contexts that legitimised service identities during this period. Local spaces are not only useful arenas for dissecting these operations; local people and identities were crucial formative elements in these processes. Two case studies have provided the ground for this investigation: Newcastle and Glasgow. The thesis dissects the body of the British military machine at these entry points, viewing the configuration of military and naval power at ground level and the emergence of manpower from the collision between state directives and local society. It also examines the communities (soldiers, veterans) that arose through this. Focus moves from military to urban spaces, revealing the characters (pressmen, politicians) and practices (sociability, ritual, performance) that legitimised these communities. Much of this cultural work evoked the memory of the Great War and here the thesis intervenes in academic debates surrounding Commemoration after 1918. The final chapter unites these perspectives in a chronological elaboration of the period 1935-1939, detailing the ground level effort for national and civil defence. As well as enlivening our understanding of 20th century mobilisation, this research explores the depths of British local and national identities and the intricate ways in which the armed forces were framed within both.

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This research project addresses the question of how violent groups emerge and act under specific identity mantles in complex local, national and transnational conflict environments. It takes as a case study the example of violent Islamist groups in sub-Saharan Africa, and seeks to understand what influences the emergence and dynamics of violence under this specific 'brand.' It explains Islamist violence as a strategic tool in contexts of political and socio-economic marginalisation, deliberately mobilised under an Islamist brand in order to leverage a powerful and cross-ethnic identity among otherwise disempowered communities. The project explains variation in the intensification of conflict, use of anti-civilian strategies, and groups' relationships with transnational actors, as strategic choices, shaped by features of the wider conflict marketplace, including the presence, relative strength and transnational linkages of conflict actors. Using quantitative conflict event data, supplemented by qualitative fieldwork, the findings of this research project are four-fold: first, it demonstrates that Islamist violence should not be conceived of as unique from other non-state violence. Rather, Islamist violence can be studied in comparative context, and through some of the same explanatory frameworks that have effectively traced the origins, drivers and dynamics of other forms of non-state armed violence. Second, it finds that Islamist violence is a strategic response to local political environments, shaping the emergence and dynamics of violence under different brands. Third, it presents evidence that in spite of a dominant narrative of a single, homogeneous, global threat of Islamist violence, local conditions shape this phenomenon, and undermine the assumption of a highly transnational, mobile and rootless network of homogenous militant groups. Finally, it shows that the contours of those local environments - reflected in the number, strength and relative activity of other non-state armed groups - shape the intensity and targeting of Islamist violence in important ways.

This thesis explores the relationship between social capital and conflict in two different contexts, by answering the following two questions: How does exposure to violence affect social capital in urban Maharashtra, India? How does returning home affect social capital amongst internally displaced persons and returnees from Nahr el Bared camp in North Lebanon? This thesis then goes on to look at the labour market implications of returning home to Nahr el Bared camp, exploring the role of social capital (amongst other mechanisms) in this relationship. The following paragraphs are abstracts from the three empirical chapters that address these questions. The first empirical chapter explores the relationship between exposure to riots and social capital in urban Maharashtra. We exploit a panel dataset collected by the authors and apply a random effects model with lagged covariates to estimate an exogenous relationship between neighbourhood exposure to riots and four forms of social capital: membership in a group or organisation, trust in neighbours, participation in community discussions and participation in community festival preparations. Consistent with Bellows and Miguel's study of conflict and social capital (2009), we find that households living in neighbourhoods that experienced a riot are more likely to be members of groups and organisations. On the other hand, we find that these households are less likely to join community discussions, which lends more to the hypothesis of fragmented post-conflict societies with a damaged social fabric (Colletta and Cullen, 2000). We explore various mechanisms behind these results and find that the increased membership in organisations is greatest in diverse neighbourhoods that have not experienced recent changes in composition. However, riots reduce trust and the likelihood of participation in fragmented and polarised riot-affected neighbourhoods. Riots also decrease participation in festival preparations in neighbourhoods where out-migration has been low. Our analysis suggests that individuals and households instrumentally use social capital to their advantage, a type of insurance to protect against potential communal violence in the future. However, riots can have adverse affects on different forms of social capital that go beyond the surface level of social networking to feelings of trust and sense of community. The second empirical chapter studies the effect of returning home after conflict induced displacement on social capital, compared to remaining displaced. I have collected a household survey of displaced Palestinians from a refugee camp in Lebanon, and this chapter assesses the impact of return on the different dimensions of social capital based on a diverse and rich set of questions. An instrumental variable is used to model the return decision in one part of the camp, and the exogenous nature of return is exploited in another section of the camp. Results show that return can improve social capital if households return within one year of the war ending and with their friends and family. If households have been displaced for too long, then social capital is decreased upon returning home. This indicates that social capital is not simply carried over from displacement to return, but is rebuilt in a process that takes time and effort. The third and final empirical chapter studies the effect of returning home on labour market outcomes. Theoretically the effect of return is ambiguous, depending on changes in both the demand and supply of labour. I empirically study the effect of return on four labour market outcomes: participation in the labour force, working, wages and number of days worked. I analyse a dataset of individuals originally from Nahr el-Bared camp in North Lebanon, displaced within Lebanon after a war in 2007 between the Lebanese army and Fatah al-Islam. I use an instrumental variable and exploit the exogenous nature of the return process in order to estimate a causal effect of return. The results show that return increases the likelihood of working by 117 percentage points. This effect is greatest for those who have returned within two years, reaping the benefits of greater aggregate demand as the market increases. Women returnees are more likely to be working compared to the displaced, but there is no difference in employment between men who have been displaced and those who have returned. This could be because women possess skills that are adaptable in labour markets, working in cottage type industries from home, as opposed to the more specialised skills that men tend to possess.

La protection des droits de l’enfant victime des conflits armés est une problématique récente et actuelle qui s’appuie sur l’évolution des droits de l’homme et sur la mutation de la nature des conflits. Elle pose la question de l’existence d’un cadre normatif international consistant, apte à assurer protection et assistance à l’enfant en proie à des hostilités. Sur ce point, il apparaît que le droit international prévoit un ensemble de mécanismes juridiques applicables à l’enfant, qu’il soit victime directe ou indirecte des conflits, ou qu’il participe directement aux hostilités. Aujourd’hui encore trop d’enfants meurent chaque jour à cause de conflits, de maladies, de Malnutrition beaucoup trop sont exploités et n’ont pas la possibilité de suivre des cours dans une école, voyant ainsi leur avenir leur échapper tous les jours un peu plus. Cependant, l’examen de ces instruments montre qu’ils se caractérisent souvent par la généralité de leurs dispositions qui ne sont pas toujours adaptées à la prise en compte de la spécificité de l’enfant. De plus, ils soulèvent parfois des questions d’applicabilité. Ainsi, si l’on ne peut pas leur nier toute effectivité, celle-ci reste, à bien des égards, partielle. L’adoption de mécanismes juridiques spécifiquement applicables à l’enfant, avait d’ailleurs pour objet de remédier à cette inadaptation et d’établir l’exhaustivité du cadre juridique. Ce respect les oblige à protéger les enfants afin de leur offrir la possibilité de bénéficier des programmes d’aide mis en place sur le terrain par de nombreuses organisations humanitaires clamant haut et fort que tout le monde doit agir, d’une manière ou d’une autre, pour permettre le développement d’actions de plus en plus variées et de plus en plus efficaces malgré les difficultés. La persistance des violations fait, cependant, prendre conscience des insuffisances normatives et impose une redéfinition de l’objectif de protection. Dans ce contexte, l’implication grandissante du Conseil de sécurité, mais aussi la criminalisation des violations commises lors des conflits armés, définissent une nouvelle approche de la responsabilité de la communauté internationale en la matière. Cette intervention a, en effet, permis de rappeler aux Etats leurs obligations et d’adopter des sanctions à l’encontre d’individus contrevenants. De même, les condamnations prononcées par la Cour pénale internationale et le Tribunal spécial pour la Sierra Léone pour crimes de guerre consistant au recrutement et à l’utilisation d’enfants soldats marquent la fin d’un déni de justice. / The protection of children's rights a victim of armed conflict is a recent and current problem which is based on the evolution of human rights and the changing nature of conflicts. It raises the question of the existence of an international legal framework consisting capable of providing protection and assistance to child plagued by hostilities. On this point, it appears that international law provides a set of legal mechanisms applicable to the child, whether direct or indirect victim of the conflict, or participate directly in hostilities. Today too many children die each day due to conflict, disease, malnutrition too are exploited and do not have the opportunity to take classes in a school, seeing their future away from them every day a little more. However, examination of these instruments shows that they are often characterized by the generality of their provisions which are not always adapted to take account of the specific nature of the child. In addition, they sometimes raise questions of applicability. So, if we can not deny them any effectiveness, it remains, in many respects, partial. The adoption of legal mechanisms specifically applicable to the child, had also intended to remedy this inadequacy and the completeness of the legal framework. This respect the obligation to protect children and offer them the opportunity to benefit from support programs implemented in the field by many humanitarian organizations claiming loudly that everyone must act in one way or another, to enable the development of actions increasingly diverse and increasingly effective despite the difficulties. Continuing violations did, however, become aware of the normative gaps and requires a redefinition of the objective of protection. In this context, the growing involvement of the Security Council but also the criminalization of violations committed during the armed conflict, define a new approach to the responsibility of the international community in this regard. This intervention, in fact, served to remind States of their obligations and adopt sanctions against individuals offenders. Similarly, sentences imposed by the International Criminal Court and the Special Court for Sierra Leone for war crimes of recruitment and use of child soldiers mark the end of a miscarriage of justice.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Banca: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Paulo Cesar Manduca / O programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pelo CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo central analisar o comportamento do Poder Legislativo em cinco importantes momentos do processo de institucionalização da política de defesa do Brasil: (i) a aprovação da primeira versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (ii) a criação do Ministério da Defesa; (iii) a aprovação da segunda versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (iv) a aprovação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa; e (v) a aprovação da Lei Complementar nº 136 de 2010 que, entre outros pontos, determina a criação do Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional. Tal processo abrange os mandatos dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995 a 2010). Além da descrição de cada um dos momentos citados acima, é abordada a atuação do país na agenda de segurança regional e internacional e são levantados os meios disponíveis ao Congresso Nacional para efetivar sua participação na formulação de política de defesa. Os processos de aprovação de cada uma das políticas e leis são relatados de forma a proporcionar uma visualização da capacidade ou não que o Poder Legislativo tem para alterar matérias que em geral foram propostas pelo Poder Executivo. Por fim, o estudo identifica como o avanço na participação do Poder Legislativo em assuntos de política de defesa foi tímido, porém importante por significar um aumento de representatividade popular no tema / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the behavior of the central legislature in five key moments in the institutionalization of defense policy in Brazil: (i) the approval of the first version of the National Defense Policy, (ii) the creation of the Ministry of Defence (iii) the approval of the second version of the National Defense Policy, (iv) the approval of the National Defense Strategy, and (v) the approval of the Supplementary Law No. 136 of 2010 which, among other things, provides for the creation of the Book white National Defense. This process covers the mandates of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995-2010). Besides the description of each of the above moments, we discuss the performance of the country on the agenda of regional and international security and are raised the resources available to Congress in order to strengthen their participation in the formulation of defense policy. The approval processes for each of the policies and laws are related to provide a view of the Legislative Power's capacity or not to change matters that in general have been proposed by the Executive Power. Finally, the study identifies how the progress in the participation of the Legislative Power in matters of defense policy was shy, but important because it signifies the increase of representation in popular theme / Mestre

In many conflict-ridden countries, food insecurity prevails. However, the relationship between food insecurity and armed conflict onset is a complex one, and scholarly attention has increasingly been directed towards furthering our understanding of its nature. In this study, the proposition is brought forth that the effect of food insecurity on armed conflict onset should be contingent on certain features of the economic, social and political environment. Specifically, it suggests that (i) food insecurity should increase the risk of armed conflict onset by generating deprivation in absolute terms, and (ii) that the risk should be heightened when such insecurity disproportionally affects certain groups in society. The latter point pertains to the level of horizontal inequality – i.e. inequality at the group level –, the presence of which is expected to compound the risk of food insecurity leading to armed conflict onset by adding a relative dimension of deprivation to the absolute. A logistic regression analysis is employed using global data for the years 1961 to 2009. The findings do not support the hypothesized relationship. Rather, although food insecurity does increase the risk of armed conflict in cases where the level of horizontal political inequality is low, it decreases the risk in cases where it is high. This indicates that the impact of food insecurity on the risk of armed conflict indeed is contingent on certain features of the political environment, which calls for conditionality to increasingly be taken into account in future research on the relationship between food insecurity and armed conflict onset.

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