Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 609-638).

The essay charts forty years of Zionist history to illuminate the remarkable evolution of Israel's unified, apolitical army and Israel's "democratic civil-military tradition," forged in the fires of opposing military styles, ideological rivalry, competing underground forces, war and civil war.

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Since the inception of the modern state, civil-military relationships have been an important and critical factor of stability for the state. The nature and quality of the relationship between the civilian and military leaders can assist a state with bringing forth a peaceful environment or plaguing the citizens of that state with endless suffering which is synonymous with armed conflicts. As we can witness in our world, in Africa, Europe, Latin America or the Middle East armed conflicts have been an integral part of politics and international relations between states    In this thesis, I shall examine the civil-military relationship within the Eritrean armed forces. I will use the state of Eritrea as my case study. The fundamental rationale for me selecting Eritrea as my case for this study is based upon the miniscule amount of academic research regarding the civil-military relationship within the Eritrean armed forces. This thesis will strive to generate a broader understanding of the relationship between the civilian leaders and military leaders of the state of Eritrea and how that relationship affects the Eritrean armed forces on the battlefield. The theoretical framework I shall apply to inquire into the civil-military relationship within the Eritrean armed forces, will be the theories of Objective civilian control and Subjective civilian control. While applying a qualitative case study method for this thesis. The thesis finds that the civil-military relationship structure within the Eritrean armed forces have been revolving around the president, Isaias Afwerki. Afwerki routinely micromanages the affairs of the military.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / A changed security environment after the end of the Cold War forced Switzerland, Austria, and Sweden to reassess their security policy. New threats and challenges such as international terrorism, WMD, organized crime, the greater disparity of wealth and increased migration have replaced traditional military threats. Larger non-military concerns like peacekeeping operations, hu-manitarian support, and support to civil authorities have replaced territorial defense. All of which require international cooperation. Following a comprehensive security strategy, Switzerland, Austria, and Sweden aim to defend their territory, protect their population, and fostering international peace and security. Austria and Sweden focus on the integration and solidarity with the Euro-pean Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Switzerland retains its perpetual neutrality, but has shown increased international cooperation. Austria and Sweden model their Armed Forces after the EU Petersberg Tasks and have small peacetime organizations with a professional cadre and annual conscripts. The Swiss Armed Forces XXI focus on territorial defense and are organized in accordance with universal conscription and wartime organization policies. Traditional political, social, and economic aspects hinder Switzerland from following a straightforward strategy toward solidarity and fundamental change in its Armed Forces. Switzerland's new security policy and its Armed Forces XXI do not fully meet the requirements to fight new threats and challenges together with the international community. / Lieutenant Colonel, Swiss Air Force

This thesis explores institutionalized discrimination in the United States Military by examining the rationales given for policies that exclude, or limit the military service of racial minorities, women and homosexuals, and the rationales given for altering such policies. outgroups such as racial minorities, women and homosexuals are presumed to be a threat to the white male heterosexual majority within the military services. The presence of these outgroups in the military has been officially characterized as threatening to small-unit cohesion, and therefore threatening to military readiness. This thesis was first based upon the assumption that the rationales favoring discriminatory policies, and rationales favoring reform, would be expressed in the language of small-group theories of cohesion, that is, cohesion based upon the self-categorization of group members, or the interdependence of group members. However, in the data analysis process, two other rationales emerged: the ideological and the bureaucratic rationales. Data illustrating these four rationales were drawn from a content analysis of articles and other commentary published in the New York Times. Statements were crosstabulated by the stance (exclusionist or reformist) they supported and the rationale (self-categorical, interdependent, ideological or bureaucratic) they employed to justify the stance. This analysis was first done separately for each of the three groups, racial minorities, women and homosexuals, and then the data for each of the three outgroups were compared and contrasted. Findings indicate that despite the military's official characterization of outgroups as a threat to small-unit cohesion, relatively little of the debate was expressed in terms of small-group theories of cohesion-the self-categorization of, or interdependence of group members. The most frequently employed rationales were, in fact, ideological in character. Between the three groups, however, some differences in patterns of rationales and stances emerged. The findings are placed in their historical and political contexts to help explain the results of the analysis, and to illuminate the experience of racial minorities, women and homosexuals in the United States military.

The Czech Armed Forces (CAF) constitutes the most important element within defense system of Czech republic. Primary role of CAF is to defend country against foreign invasion to which purpose should its build-up and structure correspond. From the perspective of military theory defined by Carl von Clausewitz, there is pivotal component in case of composition of CAF which is porportion of individual arms and services. Proportion of military occupations matching these arms and services as well as combat and support parts of CAF is of primary concern in this work. This relationship is also compared with composition of United States Armed Forces due to fact that these are the most important and the most effective armed forces in the contemporary world. Based on this comparison, there can arise some of generally valid principles and procedures for developing the armed forces which can be also applied in case of CAF. Geopolitical position of Czech republic and its historical context is also taken into consideration in this work.

Text in Afrikaans / Tydens teeninsurgensie is daar 'n duidelik waarneembare intensivering van die burokratiese wedywering tussen die polisie en die militere, wat in wese om kwessies soos prestige, uitbreiding en modernisering sentreer. In die onderhawige studie is die problematiek rondom die rolverdeling van die polisie en die militere in teeninsurgensie aan die hand van die rewolusionere oorlog in Namibig, as 'n gevallestudie en met besondere verwysing na die rol van die polisie, ondersoek. In die studie word 'n aantal algemene bevindinge, sowel as 'n aantal primere en sekondere bevindinge gemaak. Die kern van die bevindinge bestaan uit 'n drieledige gevolgtrekking: eerstens dat die rolle van die polisie en die militere in teeninsurgensie komplementer is; tweedens dat daar 'n tydige en duidelike rolverdeling moet wees; en derdens dat, alhoewel die polisie 'n beperkte militere rol het, die swaartepunt van die polisie-teeninsurgensierol buite die militere dimensie geleg is. / During counterinsurgency there is a clearly perceptible intensification of the bureaucratic competition between the police and the military which, in essence, revolves around questions such as prestige, expansion and modernisation. In this study the problems surrounding the role division of the police and the military in counterinsurgency, as manifested in the revolutionary war in Namibia and with specific reference to the role of the police, were investigated as a case study. The study concludes with a number of general findings, as well as a number of primary and secondary findings. The nucleus of the findings consist of a threefold conclusion: Firstly, that the police and military roles in counterinsurgency are complementary; secondly, that there must be a timeous and clear role division; and thirdly, that although the police have a limited military role, the centre of gravity of the police counterinsurgency role lies outside the military dimension. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Strategiese Studies)

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