Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The end of the Cold War and the September 11th 2001 attacks changed the strategic environment of the world. New socio-political realities increased the use of armed forces. The War on Terror brought the necessity of expeditionary warfare even to countries whose security doctrine had been so far exclusively focused on territorial defense. Poland is one such country. Throughout Polish history, there have been no expeditionary operations. New requirements after 1999 generated the necessity for reforms in Armed Forces of Poland. Since expeditionary warfare has never been practiced by Polish Army before, the reform process needs to be strongly coordinated with such military forerunners as the US Army. The thesis presents a study of contemporary war and its effects on force structure. It also shows how the US Army has reacted to the changing character of warfare. Such reforms as the Stryker Brigades, Army XXI and "Army After Next" program are analyzed in order to assess which of these solutions can be used in Polish Army reforms. The current capabilities of the Polish Army are also assessed in order to judge the background for military reforms in Poland. Finally a recommendation for reforms in Polish Army is made. / Captain, Polish Army

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / The thesis studies the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) transformation in the context of the U.S. military transformation. The thesis argues that the uniqueness of the U.S. military transformation does not prevent other militaries from applying the relevant concepts and considers the IDF as a good candidate for such a demonstration. Therefore, the thesis explores the U.S. military transformation as a model to be benefited in the IDF's continuing transformation. The thesis also studies IDF from many perspectives to identify the transformational imperatives and the relevance of the current IDF transformational efforts. Main areas of interest are the Israeli security environment, societal transformation, and the features of the IDF's transformational efforts. During the analysis, the thesis discovers weak points concerning, both, the U.S. military transformation and the IDF's current organization. The examination of the IDF's transformation in relation to the U.S. transformation reveals similarities between the two transformations and comes up with recommendations, primarily for the IDF, but to a lesser extent for the U.S. military. / First Lieutenant, Turkish Army

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / There has been much speculation and editorializing over the deterioration of trans-Atlantic relations, specifically between the United States and Germany, primarily as a result of the US-led war against Iraq beginning in March 2003. What can account for this so-called trans-Atlantic rift and the unhealthy US-German relationship of late? This thesis argues that this deterioration in trans-Atlantic relations stems from a profound misunderstanding of strategic culture. Specifically, this thesis takes the position that a failure to appropriately understand what Germany's unique strategic culture has been a leading cause of the present uncomfortable relationship between the United States and Germany. This thesis shows how a nation's values, beliefs, and preconceptions, can have a powerful influence upon foreign and security policy decisions. It highlights the importance of strategic culture as an important influence upon a nation's efforts to transform its armed forces. This thesis includes an examination of the various definitions and theories surrounding strategic culture and its impact upon the policy making process. It explores German defense reform since the end of the Cold War, and includes a look at how these issues have influenced German military transformation efforts since 1990. This case study concludes with a look at the current challenges facing German defense transformation, and makes observations about how a better understanding of Germany's national security culture can contribute to improved US-German and trans- Atlantic relations. / Major, United States Army

Thesis advisor: Robert S. Ross / The United States military is currently carrying out a transformation in its war fighting strategy aimed at countering threats to America and maintaining a long term balance of power. As the lone superpower in the world, the United States seeks to secure its global supremacy by dealing with threats to the status quo in all regions of the world. In recent years, the major target of this transformation has been the rise of China, an event that could destabilize both the East Asian balance of power and the global one. The goal of this transformation is to improve upon American capabilities and deployment time to structure our forces in a way that allows them to be rapidly deployable to almost anywhere at any time. At the same time, the U.S., through a series of unilateral deployments, forward positioning of troops and equipment, and a restructuring of regional alliances in East and Southeast Asia, the United States is actively working to promote a peaceful rise of China. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

No description available.

隨著政治在台灣不斷發展，兩者之間的關係也隨之而來 中華民國（ROC）軍事和社會。 民主化，民間社會的增長，經濟和社會自由化，以及更大 在性別和性取向方面的平等標誌著一個台灣社會 成為自由主義，大部分是在西方大部分地區發生的相同模式。如 社會變得更加開放和自由，一直有政府的傾向 政策制定者推動軍隊 - 一個重要的社會制度 - 在這個方向。 然而，問題出現，當西方例子遵循沒有適當 評估它們是否適合當地條件。一個例子是push 將中華民國軍轉變為全志願軍：這在西方工作，因為它 有機地發生，並基於之前進行的詳盡的社會學研究 實施。但對台灣來說是正確的嗎？ 為了評估西方例子的適用性，本研究使用其理論 構建後現代軍事模型，這是一個用於描述的理論構造 如何通過感知威脅的變化驅動軍民關係的變化。由開發 美國軍事社會學家查爾斯·莫斯科斯，約翰·艾倫·威廉姆斯和大衛·西格爾 PMMM描述了在美國軍隊和其他地方發生的變革 武裝部隊在世界上，並有助於理解軍民關係的狀態。這個 研究根據PMMM的11個維度來評估ROC軍隊 確定軍民關係的現狀，同時也提供評估 該模型適用於台灣的獨特背景。 本研究採用定量方法，使用對提供初級的中華民國公民的調查 數據，輔以文件證據，以確定民用軍事的現狀 關係使用PMMM的11維度作為框架。分析結果 表明，中華民國軍隊不適合PMMM的模式，但在某種程度上 雖然如此，卻揭示了台灣軍民關係的現狀。仔細看看這些 維度揭示了PMMM如何，而不是政策制定者的適當路線圖 但是它是了解中華民國軍民現狀的一個很好的工具 關係，還可以有助於形成更好的政策。 / As the polity continues to evolve in Taiwan, so too does the relationship between the Republic of China (ROC) military and society. Democratization, the growth of civil society, economic and social liberalization, and greater equality in terms of gender and sexual orientation have marked a Taiwan society that is becoming liberal, largely in the same pattern that has taken place in much of the West. As society becomes more open and free, there has been a tendency for government and policymakers to push the military—an important social institution—in that direction as well. The problem arises, however, when Western examples are followed without a proper assessment of whether they are appropriate for local conditions. An example is the push to transition the ROC military to an All-Volunteer Force: this worked in the West because it happened organically and based on exhaustive sociological research conducted prior to implementation. But is it the right thing for Taiwan? In order to assess the applicability of the Western example, this research uses as its theoretical construct the Postmodern Military Model, which is a theoretical construct used to describe how civil-military relations transform driven by changes in perceived threat. As developed by US military sociologists Charles C. Moskos, John Allen Williams, and David R. Segal, the PMMM describes the transformations that have taken place in the US military and other armed forces in the world, and aids in understanding the state of civil-military relations. This research assesses the ROC military according to the 11 dimensions of the PMMM to determine the current state of civil-military relations, while also providing an assessment of the model’s applicability to the unique context of Taiwan. This study employs quantitative methods, using a survey of ROC citizens providing primary data, supplemented by documentary evidence, to determine the current state of civil-military relations using as a framework the 11 dimensions of the PMMM. Analysis of the findings indicate that the ROC military does not neatly fit the pattern of the PMMM, but in a way that nonetheless sheds light on the state of civil-military relations in Taiwan. A closer look at these dimensions reveals how the PMMM, while not an appropriate roadmap for policymakers, is nevertheless an excellent tool for understanding the current state of ROC civil-military relations, and can yet contribute to the formation of better policy.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / A changed security environment after the end of the Cold War forced Switzerland, Austria, and Sweden to reassess their security policy. New threats and challenges such as international terrorism, WMD, organized crime, the greater disparity of wealth and increased migration have replaced traditional military threats. Larger non-military concerns like peacekeeping operations, hu-manitarian support, and support to civil authorities have replaced territorial defense. All of which require international cooperation. Following a comprehensive security strategy, Switzerland, Austria, and Sweden aim to defend their territory, protect their population, and fostering international peace and security. Austria and Sweden focus on the integration and solidarity with the Euro-pean Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Switzerland retains its perpetual neutrality, but has shown increased international cooperation. Austria and Sweden model their Armed Forces after the EU Petersberg Tasks and have small peacetime organizations with a professional cadre and annual conscripts. The Swiss Armed Forces XXI focus on territorial defense and are organized in accordance with universal conscription and wartime organization policies. Traditional political, social, and economic aspects hinder Switzerland from following a straightforward strategy toward solidarity and fundamental change in its Armed Forces. Switzerland's new security policy and its Armed Forces XXI do not fully meet the requirements to fight new threats and challenges together with the international community. / Lieutenant Colonel, Swiss Air Force

Best value is becoming one of the most commonly used procurement methods in the facility construction industry. The Federal Government and the Air Force Reserve predominant project delivery approach has been via the low-bid award. This process has not been successful, documented by large numbers of construction modifications, as well as project cost and schedule growth over the past sixteen years. Recently, federal procurement agencies have attempted to move toward construction awards based upon best value principles relative to performance and price. The United States Army Corps of Engineers best value procurement vehicle known as Military Transformation fails to deliver true best value. This pseudo best value delivery process: (1) fails to objectively rate and apply contractor past performance; (2) lacks the means to monetarily quantify contractor proposal risks; and (3) provides no means of transferring control and responsibility for risks and risk minimization to the contractor. Only a true best value project delivery system can provide the urgently required increased efficiency necessary for Air Force Reserve Command to remain a dependable military institution capable of erecting facilities contributory to our nation's defense by perpetually adding value to the project delivery process.

Thesis (M.M.A.S.)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2003. / Cover title. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-132). Also available online in PDF format from Combined Arms Research Library and Defense Technical Information Center (DTIC) web sites. Adobe Acrobat Reader required.

因應全球化時代國防安全的多元挑戰，國軍長期以來始終秉持憲法所賦予的使命，不斷精實壯大，期能確保國家利益與安全的終極目標。我國國防已逐步藉由「國防轉型」邁入現代化的新紀元，無論是國防理念、軍事戰略、建軍規劃與願景，都是以「預防戰爭」為依歸，以「有效嚇阻，防衛固守」為戰略構想。國防政策仍以確保國家利益與安全目標為最高準繩，透過施政方針，來達成「預防戰爭」、「國土防衛」、「反恐制變」的基本目標。 本研究目的在於探究恐怖主義相關定義與組織概況和發展趨勢，並檢視國際、區域反恐公約及法令制定與我國參與之情形，另藉由各國反恐軍事特種部隊現況，藉以提供我國修訂反恐專法之參考，補充我國反恐怖行動法第五條之內容。 本研究發現：由於各國政治立場不一，對於恐怖主義的定義亦不盡相同，導致國際恐怖組織發動攻擊之事件頻傳，而各國反恐行動亦以設置反恐特種部隊為主。當然，國際反恐公約之合作趨勢，反映出各國修訂反恐專法的必要性，以收國際反恐法與國內反恐法之成效，惟我國應儘速通過反恐專責法令，以符合法律保留與比例原則。 另方面，我國政府在反恐行動架構中面臨實務操作上之窘境，導致地方政府與中央機關在反恐成效上難保統一行事；而以國軍參與反恐之角色與定位來說：在國防政策基本目標下之國防組織再造，國軍反恐怖協調體系呈現出組織扁平化之架構，且各特勤隊需具備學習型組織之性質，突顯出我國軍事部隊終生教育之必要。 / As the challenges of national security are being more globalized, the Ministry of National Defense of ROC has achieved remarkable success in benefiting the nation and people based on the responsibility under the Constitution. All these improvements and changes carried out in the national defense system are to keep the nation away from war and guard the homeland safely. The main policy still upholds the safeguarding of national interests and security targets as the highest criterion in order to achieve the basic objectives of “war prevention”, “homeland defense”, and “counter-terrorism and contingency response” through policy implementation and directives. The main purpose of this research is to find out the definition and development of terrorism around the world, the international counter-terrorism cooperation, and the role of the R.O.C. in the international counter-terrorism system. Furthermore, this research also provides the patterns of the counter terrorist forces around the world that derives some useful adjustments for the ROC Anti-Terrorism Law. This research discovered that since the political standpoint and the definition of terrorism of each country are different, the special forces of each country are still the main counter-terrorism power. Of course, the international cooperation of anti-terrorism brought each nation to revise its anti-terrorism law. On the other hand, our government has been facing several challenges in bringing our anti-terrorism mechanism into practice. What should be improved now is to put our Anti-Terrorism Law into effect. In addition, as anti-terrorism is a very important issue around the world, further organizational transformation such as organization flattening and continuous education must be accomplished to improve the national defense system.