Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-01T17:55:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 15-08-28. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2016-04-01T18:01:20Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000857148.pdf: 1959950 bytes, checksum: 5a59e8f0372356c82cfcb316b5e137eb (MD5) / O regionalismo vem se tornando uma tendência na política internacional do século XXI, e predominando na área de segurança e defesa também. No Leste Asiático, as percepções de segurança ainda estão mais atreladas ao seu sentido tradicional, como a expansão e a aquisição de armamentos, a questão nuclear da Coréia do Norte e problemas territoriais. Por outro lado, no caso da América do sul, os países prestam mais atenção a questões referentes ao setor não-militar como o narcotráfico, o meio ambiente e os direitos humanos. Neste trabalho, verificam-se as características e diferenças entre o Leste Asiático e a América do Sul,através do conceito da TCRS pelos pontos de vista das histórias, teorias e instituições. Propõe-se analisar estas diferenças em termos que compõem a intensidade das ameaças à segurança, a partir de quatro tipos de elementos: especificidade da ameaça, probabilidade de realização, existência da experiência histórica e relação de amizade e inimizade entre os países. O objetivo geral deste trabalho é analisar e avaliar as formação das duas CRS e mostrar as diferenças entre a América do Sul e o Leste Asiático, considerando as características históricas e como cada região entende os problemas de segurança. / Regionalism became a new trend in the international politics in the 21th century, and it was predominated in the area of security and defense as well. In East Asia, perceptions of security are still more linked to those traditional issues, such as the expansion and the acquisition of arms, the nuclear issue of North Korea and territorial conflicts. On the other hand, in the case of South America, countries pay more attention to issues relating to the non-military sector such as drug trafficking, the environment and human rights. In this paper, we check the caracteristics and differences between East Asia and South America through the concept of Regional Security Complex (RSC) for the views through history, theories and institutions. It is proposed to analyze these differences in terms of the intensity of threats, from four types of elements: specificity of the threat, probability of realization, existence of historical experience and cordial relationship between the countries of two regions. The aim of this study is to analyze and evaluate the formation of both CRS of South America and East Asia and understand how each region understand the security problems.

This study, for the first time, brings together the detached understanding that facilitates coherent analysis of the emerging legal and regulatory issues that mobile payments introduce after financial inclusion in Kenya. To pursue these arguments firstly the thesis finds that the law on payments systems is incomplete as it does not address the specific issues necessary for an effective payments systems. It also puts forward the argument that the current regulatory regime is weak and largely unfelt due to its nascent state of development. Furthermore the current legal instruments are dispersed, and not uniformly applied among and across all payments systems and instruments as there exists an ambiguity in the legal definition of ‘mobile money’ and ‘deposits’ that present legal challenges in the enforcement of new regulations. Secondly, the cross-roads between the telecommunications industry and the financial industry that introduces non-banks into the retail payments market, presents a challenge in its effective regulation. As policy objectives are blurred when firms which are traditionally separated have to find appropriate regulatory frameworks in convergence. Thirdly this thesis examines the approach taken by Kenya in regulating mobile payments juxtaposing the realities that combine to blunt the impact of innovation and access to finance. This thesis serves as a foundational discussion on the regulatory capacity for the adoption and development of mobile payments within a regulatory vacuum and proposes that an appropriate regulatory framework is needed to addresses all these issues.

Pakistan is regarded widely today as a country continuing turmoil, in which multiple centres of political and armed power compete with each other, using violence as much as due democratic processes to settle their differences. And yet, as this dissertation seeks to show, there is also a tradition of democracy that has been fought for and won in ongoing nonviolent movements For almost half its life since its creation in 1947, military dictators, of whom there have been four in all, have ruled Pakistan. Amongst these, General Zia-ul-Haq ruled the longest at more than eleven years from July 1977 to August 1988. He not only executed Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan former Prime Minister but he was also able to bring about fundamental changes in the legal, political, religious, social and cultural affairs of the country. His rule is often considered a ‘dark age’ in the history of Pakistan. Two movements – the campaign to save Bhutto 1977-1979 and the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) 1981-1988 – were launched and led by political parties, of which the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was leading member, against Zia’s rule. Historians have generally considered both these movements to have been a failure. In this dissertation, it is argued that although MRD took much longer than the originally-envisaged three months to achieve its aim, it did not in the end fail. It should, rather, be seen as a gradualist democratic movement, which eventually brought the country back to democracy in 1988. The process took longer than expected for several reasons, the most important of which were a lack of unity amongst the leaders of its constituent political parties, particularly the PPP, the absence of an operational corps, and Zia-ul-Haq’s ruthless response to the nonviolent resistance to his rule. Additionally, Zia’s regime was supported for many years by international powers of the Western bloc, due to the war against Soviet Union in Afghanistan.

This thesis is an intimate portrait of kinship, personhood, and social mobility in the central Philippines. Through the story of a sibling set that came of age after the Second World War, their kin, and neighbours, it explores why and how upward mobility was aspired for, its consequences, and the ways in which such an achievement are recalled and narrated. The chapters examine the manifold and, at times, contradictory emotions that surrounded journeys of social mobility, whilst historicising the very selves and relations within which such narratives and emotions become embedded. Central to this account is siblingship, as viewed from later life, and in relation to filiation, the pursuit of personal autonomy through gendered educational and professional fields, and marriage and family formation. Although expectations of solidarity and life-long, and even transgenerational, support saturated ties of siblingship, conflicts between siblings were also deemed unsurprising, especially in adulthood, after marriage, and most especially, after the death of their parents. Whilst solidarity amongst siblings was seen as fundamental to achieving middle-classness, the pursuit of upward mobility in some cases heightened the potential for hierarchy, inequality, gendered differences, and enmity implied by siblingship, whilst mitigating and reversing it in others. Upward mobility had implications too for the succeeding generation, as conflicts and unequal life chances were passed on by parents to their children, sibling set sizes became smaller, and cousins became geographically distant from one another. Rooted in the anthropology of Southeast Asia and the Philippines, this thesis speaks to broader concerns about how kinship and personhood unfold and are transformed over time, how persons and their relations reflect, absorb, and refract broader societal shifts, and how seemingly ordinary, intimate, and private aspects of life have wider reverberations.

Situated in the post-war socio-political milieu, there has been a poverty of citizenship education in Hong Kong schools for more than three decades. The political changes of decolonization and reintegration with mainland China pose new challenges to political education in Hong Kong. Starting with a concern over the programme of civic education in Hong Kong secondary schools, the present study addresses the question of the role of schooling in transmission of social-political orientation to the students. Drawing upon the theoretical perspectives and findings of political socialization studies, Neo-Marxism, and critical studies of colonial education, the present study conceptualizes school as an agent of political socialization and analyzes the current objectives, contents, organization and implementation of civic education programmes, as well as the formal and informal curriculum at work in six secondary schools in Hong Kong, in particular with reference to the very nature of 'citizenship' itself and die notion of 'civic education'. Albeit with the civic education movement in the 1980s onwards, civic education in schools still fail to provide our further citizens with the necessary political orientation and competence in democracy and national identity to prepare for the change in political system. Instead, the role of school performs socializing and stabilizing functions to the status quo. This dissertation further discusses the theoretical significance on the debate about the role of schooling in political socialization and in the constitution of adolescent political culture and of political order. Practical implications concerning political education in Hong Kong are discussed in addition to a critique and evaluation of civic education programmes in schools.

This study is a comparative analysis of the representations of State, violence and wealth in early 21st Century novels belonging to the literatures of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique and São Tomé and Príncipe. It departs from a dialogue with the international criticism of these national literatures and with the field of postcolonial studies to produce a critical intervention which responds to these two wide fields of academic inquiry. As a result, this work argues for a transformation in both fields. It proposes that both the critique of African Literatures written in Portuguese and the field of postcolonial studies must turn their attention to the post-independence internal dimension of these countries in order to promote a much needed refashioning of the concept of postcoloniality.

The Nigerian judicial system is currently in a state of distress. Not only has the judiciary been trailed by allegations of corruption, incompetence and god-fatherism amongst others, the wheels of justice in Nigeria are slowly grinding to a near halt. This is because of the large and growing case list of courts as well as the recurrent industrial strike actions embarked upon by court staff. As a solution to this crisis, stakeholders have put forward a number of suggestions, one of which is the use of alternative dispute resolution methods like domestic arbitration, as a solution to the problems of the judiciary and as a viable alternative to the court system. As we will however come to see in this thesis, Nigeria’s Arbitration and Conciliation Act 1988 (“Arbitration Act”), which is based on the UNCITRAL Model Law 1985, is not only outdated, it is also for many reasons not suitable and relevant to a developing country as Nigeria. For example, the existing Arbitration Act fails to take the legal and social idiosyncrasies of the Nigerian nation into consideration. Furthermore, the Act fails to incorporate the pre-existing and judicially recognized customary arbitration practice into the Act. In addition, the Nigerian Arbitration framework contains a number of anti-arbitration provisions, which have clearly inhibited the growth of domestic arbitration in Nigeria. Moreover, between 1988 and now, a number of beneficial changes have occurred within the sphere of arbitration and from which the Nigerian arbitration framework can draw lessons. All these among others, make the Nigerian Arbitration Act an unsuitable alternative to the court system in Nigeria. This thesis therefore recommends a bespoke domestic arbitration framework, which takes account of the legal and social idiosyncrasies of the Nigerian nation as well as recent but relevant domestic arbitration practices in similar jurisdictions as Nigeria. Among other recommendations, the proposed framework borrows a leaf from the deeply rooted and judicially recognised customary arbitration practice in Nigeria. Furthermore, in a bid to identify and incorporate relevant provisions and practices that have emerged within the sphere of domestic arbitration between 1988 and now, we undertake a comparative analysis of the Ghanaian Alternative Dispute Resolution Act 2010, the UNCITRAL Model Law 2006, the English Arbitration Act 1996 as well as the Uniform Act on Arbitration 1999 of OHADA. It is believed that this modern but tailored framework will encourage the use of domestic arbitration in Nigeria and by extension ameliorate the problems in the judicial system.

This thesis examines the nature, content and legal implications of the constitutional right to development and investigates its (non-)realization by inquiring how development and human rights are being pursued in Ethiopia. In addressing these issues, this study analytically situates the conception of the right to development as enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) Constitution within the context of the general human rights and development debates, the normative framework of the right to development as established by the United Nations Declaration on the Right to Development (UNDRD) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (ACHPR). Thus, it discusses the theoretical and moral basis for linking development and human rights and conceptualizing the claim for development as a distinct human right. It further explores the evolution of the right to development into an international human rights norm and addresses its attendant controversies. It subsequently analyses the nature and content of the right to development as established under the UNDRD and ACHPR before engaging with the issues relating to the FDRE Constitution. This research has employed doctrinal and comparative legal research methodologies and also involved critical analysis of policy documents and data from secondary sources. This research finds that the right to development as enshrined in the FDRE Constitution is enunciated in ambiguous terms and asserts that it needs to be understood within the broader constitutional context of Ethiopia which, in conformity with UNDRD and ACHPR, considers development and human rights to be interdependent and mutually reinforcing projects which can only be realized through such interdependence and mutuality. It further submits that the constitutional right to development generally provides a legally binding normative framework within which development processes in Ethiopia should be pursued and puts a constitutional limit on the power of the State as it relates to development undertakings. It, however, identifies that, despite its legally binding nature, the observance of this right is not provided with effective guarantee (enforcement mechanism) as the Ethiopian courts are excluded from enforcing constitutional human rights. This study also claims that the realization of the constitutional right to development has been impeded by the governing ideologies of revolutionary democracy and developmental state which undermine the basic conditions necessary for undertaking development and human rights as interdependent and mutually reinforcing goals of the Constitution. Its review of Ethiopia’s successive development policies reveals the marginal importance given to human rights in general and the two fundamental aspects of the constitutional right to development – the right to active, free and meaningful participation in development and the right to fair distribution of the benefits of development – in particular. Its assessment of Ethiopia’s balance sheet of socio-economic development and human rights in the last decade also attests that development and human rights have been practically disentangled and signals the need for taking the constitutional right to development seriously.

abstract: This dissertation examines lexical and phonetic variations between Daigi, Hakka, and Modern Standard Chinese elements as used in two Daoist temples of southern Taiwan, the Daode Yuan (DDY) and Yimin Miao (YMM) in Kaohsiung, Taiwan, which form linguistic repertoires from which religious communities construct language variants called religiolects. Specific variations in the use of these repertoires appear to be linked to specific religious thought processes. Among my results, one finds that phonetic features of Daigi and Hakka appear linked to the use of language in religious contexts at the DDY and YMM, especially such that alterations in pronunciation, which would otherwise be inappropriate, are linked to speakers of the religiolects processing and producing religious thought in ways they otherwise would not. For example, what would normally be pronounced [tʰe laɪ] internal to one's body would be archaicized as [tʰe lue], from frequent contact with [lue tan] inner alchemy; this leads to reinforced conception of the inner body as sacred space. One also finds that semantic features of lexical items received sacralized contours in overt and non-overt ways, such that lexical items that would otherwise be irreligious become religious in nature; e.g., instances of the appearance of 道, especially in binomial items, would be resolved or parsed by reference to the sacred meaning of the word (such as the [to] in [tsui to tsui], which normally means having its source in, coming to be associated with 道 as path from sacred font). / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Religious Studies 2015

abstract: ABSTRACT: The research for this paper is intended to introduce the reader to many of the influential trumpet performers and pedagogues in East Asian countries and territories along the Western Pacific Ocean Rim, including China, Hong Kong, Japan, the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan (R.O.C.), Thailand, and Vietnam. Shao-Chun Tsai, the author of this research paper, finds it important for musicians to recognize that they are often influenced by other musicians in addition to their own efforts and self-discovery of who they are as artists. The author is a trumpeter and pianist from Taiwan, and would like to acknowledge the many outstanding trumpet players from Asia that have made important contributions to the discipline of trumpet playing. Unfortunately, there are very limited English resources available for the recognition of these pioneers, and as such they are often unknown to the general public and even to aspiring musicians. By gathering a collection of biographies, the author’s goal is to shed greater light on the rich trumpet playing and pedagogy heritage and influence in this region. The research information contained within was primarily gathered through personal interviews conducted by the author in order to ensure that the most up-to-date and accurate information was collected for the project. This project studies nine regions and includes thirty-seven trumpeters deemed to be influential by the author, who has invested her best efforts to acquire the most in-depth and current facts obtainable. The author hopes that the stories behind each of these successful musicians will stimulate trumpeters of all ages and inspire them to pursue their own development and goals in music. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Music 2016