This thesis takes sexuality as its subject matter and uses a methodology informed by postcolonial studies to explore new possibilities for thinking about the international, its construction, and its contemporary politics. I argue that postcolonial readings of sexuality can impel us to rethink the meanings and politics of international theory and to challenge notions that have come to appear fixed and unchanging. The thesis canvasses how such an intervention might occur – calling especially for a focus on the local and the everyday – and considers both the utility and the limits of the contributions sexuality might make to a rethinking of international theory. My arguments are made with reference to a series of specific examples from contemporary East and Southeast Asia: the nationalistically imbued gendered and sexed figures of the national serviceman and the Singapore Girl in Singapore; the political and social repercussions of the trial of former Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim on charges of sodomy; newly emerging homosexual identities in Hong Kong; and the connections between sexuality and disease that inform the Thai response to HIV/AIDS.

Thesis (Ed.D) -- University of Western Sydney, Nepean, 1999. / "Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Education 1999, School of Lifelong Learning and Educational Change, University of Western Sydney Nepean" Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 417-443).

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This dissertation consists of three manuscripts that will be submitted for publication. All three of these examine various aspects of the evolution of the India-Asia suture zone in southern Tibet after the India-Asia collision. Continent-continent collision is one of the basic tectonic plate boundary types, has occurred repeatedly throughout geologic history, and represents one of the principle mechanisms responsible for the formation of high elevation plateaus and orogens. Uplift within these zones has also drastically changed the earth's climate and atmospheric circulation, and erosion from continental collision has resulted in some of the thickest accumulations of sediment in the world (Curray, 1991; Einsele et al., 1996). However, despite the global significance of continental collision, much of the fundamental geodynamic and geologic processes governing these events remain enigmatic. This is the result of several factors. First and foremost, intense deformation and uplift of rocks, often from mid crustal levels, over very short periods of time (Hodges and Silverberg, 1988; Seward and Burg, 2008; Zeitler et al., 2014) results in the erosive removal of much of the geologic record of a collision zone. Second, because the best modern example of continental collision is the Tibet-Himalayan system, the study of continental collision in general has been hampered by high elevations, remoteness, difficult working conditions, and political unrest. The work presented here represents a step toward better understanding the geology, geologic history, and geodynamic evolution of the Tibetan Plateau, the Himalaya, and the India-Asia collision. This has been accomplished through study of two of the post-collisional sedimentary basins which formed near or within the India-Asia suture zone. Appendix A addresses the structure, sedimentology, age, and provenance of the Liuqu Conglomerate. The key conclusions of this section are: 1) The Liuqu Conglomerate was deposited in north flowing, stream dominated alluvial fans. These were located situated in a wedge-top position within a system of north verging thrust faults likely associated with the Great Counter Thrust, and sediment was accommodated via burial beneath thrust structures. 2) The age of the Liuqu Conglomerate has been refined to ~20 Ma based on detrital zircon U-Pb and fission track dating, ⁴⁰Ar/³⁹Ar dating of biotite from a cross-cutting dike, re-analysis of previously published pollen data, regional structural considerations, and oxygen isotope composition of paleosol carbonates. 3) Sand-sized and finer-grained sediment eroded from the southern margin of Asia prior to collision was transported southwards across the Xigaze forearc basin, deposited within the subduction trench, and then accreted within the subduction complex mélange. After collision, this sediment was eroded from the mélange and shed northward into the India-Asia suture zone. Appendix B focuses on the abundant paleosols preserved within the Liuqu Conglomerate. This study uses major element geochemistry of these paleosols and stable isotope analyses of paleosol carbonates to constrain the degree and type of chemical weathering, and thus the paleoclimate and paleoelevation, of the Liuqu Conglomerate. The key conclusions of this paper are: 1) at ~20 Ma, the India-Asia suture zone experienced warm and wet conditions that promoted intense chemical weathering of soils exposed in the inactive portions of alluvial fans. Paleorainfall is estimated at ~1500 mm/yr, and weathering intensity was similar to soils formed in the Neogene Siwalik Group of India, Nepal, and Pakistan, which formed under wet, semitropical, and low elevation conditions. 2) The India-Asia suture zone experienced these conditions at ~20 Ma despite extensive deformation and crustal thickening which has been documented within the Tethyan Himalayan and Himalayan thrust belts. This crustal thickening should have resulted in the (surface) uplift of the entire India-Asia collision zone, and there is evidence that at least some portion of the Himalayan crest was at or near modern elevations by ~17 Ma. Our results require either that the Tethyan Himalaya and India-Asia suture zone were not uplifted despite as much as 40 million years of intense crustal shortening or that these regions attained high elevation prior to ~20 Ma, and then lost elevation around this time before being immediately re-uplifted. The viability of these two scenarios cannot be explicitly tested with the data presented in this chapter; however, based on the data presented in Appendix C, I strongly favor the second scenario. Appendix C focuses on the Kailas Formation, exposed ~20 km north of the Liuqu Conglomerate within the India-Asia suture zone. The Kailas Formation is exposed along ~1300 km of the India-Asia suture zone. For this study, I present new sedimentologic, provenance, and geochronologic data for the Kailas Formation. Key findings of this study are that 1) the Kailas Formation is younger in the center of the suture zone, near 90°E, and becomes progressively older to the west; preliminary data suggest that these rocks are older to the east as well, but additional age constraints are required. 2) The pattern of sedimentation documented for the Kailas Formation is nearly identical to the spatio-temporal pattern of adakitic and ultrapotassic rocks in southern Tibet. These rocks have been attributed to rollback and breakoff of the Indian continental slab. Sedimentation within the Kailas basin has also been attributed to rollback of the Indian slab (DeCelles et al. 2011), and this idea is corroborated by the agreement of the sedimentary and magmatic records. 3) This presents an interesting possibility for explaining the existence of low elevations within the India-Asia suture zone at ~20 Ma, as documented in Appendix B. High elevation topography produced by crustal shortening and thickening likely remained intact until slab rollback and breakoff started around 30 Ma and caused the India-Asia suture zone to experience large scale extension and subsidence. The Kailas Formation was deposited in the resulting basin, which opened first in the west, and propagated eastward. After slab breakoff occurred, contractional deformation would have resumed, and the area would have been quickly uplifted to its modern elevations.

The main objective of this study is to provide an understanding of the way Civic and Citizenship Education, as intended at the macro level is translated, implemented and enacted at the micro level. Moreover, it also seeks to understand the contestation and challenges of secondary school teachers as policy implementers at the micro level in transferring the new curriculum policy into teaching and learning practice. Adopting a qualitative research approach, empirical evidence and in-depth information were gathered through document analysis, interviews, questionnaire, lesson observation and field notes. The document analysis showed that there were similarities between Western and Malaysian concepts of citizenship education in that Malaysia’s Civic and Citizenship Education was concerned with developing good personal and patriotic citizens. This differed from England’s citizenship education that promoted political literacy and active participation in democratic society. Despite in the official document, Civic and Citizenship Education seems to be strongly classified and strongly framed (Bernstein, 1975; 1971), at the school level, this subject is weakly classified and weakly framed. Indeed, a closer examination in each school visited showed that the ‘battle’ (Goodson, 1998 : 45) between this subject and other academic subjects continue. The analysis also illustrated that the enactment of Civic and Citizenship Education was mediated, not only by school students’ ethnic population, but also by school contexts that existed in each school. This also led to the gap between teachers’ perception of citizenship and citizenship education with their teaching practices. Thus, this study demonstrated that the process of translating, implementing and enacting policy at the school level is not a direct process (Ball, 2006) as there are various factors that could mediate the way a policy is implemented and enacted at the micro level (Ball et al., 2012; Braun et al. 2011a).

Sri Lanka gained prominence in international policy circles as an apparent 'success story' first as a model colony in early 1950s and later as a development model for South Asia by 1970s. In naming Sri Lankan 'success story' experts pointed to the decreasing population growth rate and decreasing mortality. Renowned demographers attributed this to the improvements in the field of social indicators such as high literacy rates, increased life expectancy and rise in female age at marriage. In this 'success story' women's health serves as a linchpin to the attainment of national progress. But a focus on women's health – as statistics and indicators – has also served to silence questions about Sri Lankan women's broader experiences of their disaggregated health. In particular, while Sri Lankan 'women's health' served the Sri Lankan state's 'success story' well, what is less clear is how women's individual bodies have fared within subsequent tellings of its other twentieth century Sri Lankan stories of late colonial, national, developmental, neoliberal and militarised phases. My thesis examines this question through a critical examination of women's health history of this island nation. I trace its history from initial birth control, family planning (1953) to development population control to militarisation, financialisation of women's bodies and ends with a critical examination of recent policies that claim to emancipate women's health 'beyond' a myopic focus on their role as reproducer. Although women's health was vigilantly 'controlled' and 'planned' for the state building project and women's bodies were framed around the notion of social reproduction for the nation building project of post independent Sri Lanka, women were neither subjects nor objects of these two projects. Women's reproductive bodies were, rather, the ground for a complex and competing set of struggles on population, family planning, development, modernisation and ethno nationalism of post independent Sri Lanka. Further women's health/women's bodies analysis helps to elucidate the manner in which we can track the operation of power that serves to silence women's own corporeal subjectivity and to delimit the realms in which she can exercise her own agency.

Despite the growing literature on teachers’ professional identity (Beijaard et al. 2004, Day et el 2006, Hextall et al.2007,Sutherland et al. 2010, Canrinus et al.2011), there is little concurrence on what it should mean and few examples of studies from schools in sub Saharan Africa (Smit and Fritz 2008, Barrett 2006). This sociological study contributes to the knowledge of teachers’ professionalism by presenting subjectivities and socio-institutional discourses said to shape teachers’ post training identity and role in education change as experienced within a given Kenyan primary school. The literature indicates that whilst identity is perceived to be core to motivation, the different expressions of self, subject and identity placed alongside competing discourses of professionalism widen the scope for diverse discourses of teachers’ professional identity (Sachs 2005) to emerge. Since professional identity is socially derived (Cohen 2008) and discourse mediated this study contributes to knowledge by illustrating how contextually held interpretations of teacher professionalism influence their role in reform contexts. Teachers’ role expectations are examined alongside the social suggestions of significant others. Ethnographic data collection methods and thematic analysis are intended to highlight the emerging discourses and their impact on the given population. The findings suggest teachers are caught between expectations influenced by organisational and occupational professionalism which put reform processes outside their immediate jurisdiction but appeal to their altruistic occupational orientation in fulfilling managerially determined objectives. Teachers post training identity is said to be influenced by pre-service training, the interface between curriculum and examination requirements, pedagogical practices framed by professional and community norms and by their individual sense of discipline, dedication, self-sacrifice and moral purpose. Pupil and parental expectations seen against contextual realities challenge various forms of teacher professionalism and education reforms.