By researching the life and work of Thomas Baines (1820 - 1875) in relation to a broader discourse of painting and the lived experience of being a 'white' male in a post-apartheid South Africa, I explore the ways in which this figure from the past has provoked the three series of artworks I have produced for my Master of Fine Art exhibition. This study has been divided into two parts, represented by the two chapters contained herein. Chapter One includes a critical retelling of Baines' biography and a discussion of the primary ways in which I have engaged with both the life and the working practice of this artist. I also address my own personal complicity in the constructions of 'the figure of Baines' as I have framed him both visually and textually during my work for this degree. Chapter Two describes some of the practicalities of my working process as a visual artist, including how I understand the theoretical and conceptual concerns which I raise in Chapter One to be visually manifest in my work. In this chapter, I also discuss my work in relation to the work of the contemporary South African artists William Kentridge and Johannes Phokela. The artistic practice of one artist imitating another artist's work is also explored as a central conceptual thread which could be seen to weave my verbal and visual production together.

Lyndon Johnson, the thirty-sixth President, had a profound affect on the Democratic Party in America. Johnson was contradictory, supportive, and harmful to the Democratic Party during the middle decades of the twentieth century. In a new interpretation of Johnson the politician, this dissertation explores Johnson's early partisan development and ascent as Democratic Leader in the United States Senate. Furthermore this dissertation evaluates the reasons for Johnson's ambiguous relationship with the Democratic Party. Johnson's first teacher in the art of Democratic politics was his father, Sam Ealy Johnson. This revisionist study of Johnson emphasizes for the first time how Sam Ealy Johnson taught his son about the art of pragmatic political behavior. However, his father's lessons and Johnson's early application of political knowledge was in the context of the Democratic one-party world of Texas politics. Johnson took his understanding of politics in a hegemonic Democratic system and soon applied it to a series of positions first as a Congressional Secretary, then as a New Deal administrator, and later as Congressman and Senator. By the end of his first senate term, Johnson's vision of what it meant to be a Democrat had changed little. Yet his focus on achieving consensus put him in opposition to the political objective of other Democrats. The partisan problems Johnson encountered after six years only increased later in his Senate career and as President. / text

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This study seeks to understand colonial narratives of Zimbabwe 1860-1900 as a locus of transgression and opposition. I investigate the range and complexity of discourses within the imperial project open to both European male and female writers, their shifts over time or within one or more texts. Narratives of the explorer, missionary, hunter and soldier are examined as a literary genre in which attempts were made to re-imagine the Western self through an encounter with Africans. I consider how positions from which the European in the colonies could speak and write were reformulated. This study will employ Foucauldian discourse theory in an analysis of the British 'civilizing mission' in Central Southern Africa. The Introduction examines existing historical and theoretical approaches in this field and argues for a particular use of Foucualt's insights and vocabulary. Chapter One is concerned with the way European explorers constituted notions of 'civilized nations' in Europe and 'primitive tribes' in Africa . I then question how this process of division and exclusion was reinforced by the mythography of an EI Dorado in the African interior. In Chapter Two I consider how Colonial Man was constituted in different ways by Victorian discourses of adventure, travel and conquest. I also attempt to account for the effects that followed the activation, within colonial culture, of structures of exclusion and division based on race or class. Chapter Three focuses on the economic dimension of a dissident LMS missionary and the sustained resistance to Western philanthropy among the Ndebele. I also examine the later Mashonaland mission where the missionary-administrator became instrumental in the division and control of Africans. In the final chapter I consider discursive formations which sought to constrain African resistance during the 1896-7 Chimurenga and the institutionalization of a settler order in the post-Chimurenga era. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.

In the post-World War II period, the population of poor and working-class Chinese New Yorkers––most of whom lived in Manhattan’s Chinatown––drastically increased in size and so too did the range of health problems they faced. This dissertation is the first in-depth historical study of Chinese Americans/New Yorkers’ postwar experiences with health education and activism. It documents the work of Chinese American grassroots activists and medical professionals to establish access to healthcare for Chinatown residents. By analyzing the transnational and cross-class dynamics of this movement, the dissertation challenges the long-standing assumption that the more well-to-do individuals of Chinese ancestry—especially recent professional immigrants from Taiwan and Hong Kong—had little interest in the wellbeing of their poorer counterparts. It also places Chinese New Yorker history alongside the better-known community control movements and health activism in Black and Latinx communities. The dissertation draws from research at 14 archives across the U.S., rare personal papers in Chinese and English, and interviews with over twenty Chinese American doctors and Chinatown activists. Before the mid-twentieth century, Chinese New Yorkers faced inequities in medical education and healthcare due to racially discriminatory policies and practices. From the 1940s to the 1960s, the end of Chinese exclusion and U.S. Cold War geopolitical interests in Asia allowed a select group of Chinese and Chinese American doctors and nurses to enter academic medicine and public health in the city. Chinese American public health nurses attracted public and private funding for much-needed social and health services in Chinatown by leveraging their transnational backgrounds and popular beliefs in the assimilation and integration of nonwhites. Meanwhile, the New York City-based American Bureau for Medical Aid to China and other American groups launched medical aid programs to help train medical personnel for the Nationalist Party and sustain its troops in their fight against the Chinese Communist Party. A subset of Chinese medical graduates from these programs drew from their hybrid credentials, contacts, and linguistic skills to obtain competitive jobs at hospitals and academic medical centers in New York and other American cities. Many of the transplanted Chinese medical graduates had intended to return to China after a short stint of advanced study in the U.S. But they decided to stay as a pragmatic response to political and social upheavals and constraints. Starting in the late 1960s, Chinatown’s rapidly expanding population, as well as the “maximum feasible participation” doctrine of President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty initiative, made it strategic for the community watchdog agency, the Lower East Side Health Council-South, to court and include Chinatown residents in the fight for a better and new public hospital—Gouverneur Hospital. Inspired by the Civil Rights movement, workers’ struggles, and health radicalism in Black and Latinx communities, the Chinese American and Afro-Puerto Rican Health Council workers, Thomas Tam and Paul Ramos, implemented community programs and organized highly publicized and disruptive events, including a summer street health fair in Chinatown. Chinese New Yorkers of diverse migratory, class, age, and political backgrounds, including Chinese medical graduates who had the credentials and resources to serve their compatriots, played an integral role in these activities. In 1971, the cross-ethnic, cross-class coalition successfully demanded the opening and hiring of more bilingual personnel at the new Gouverneur. By the late 1970s, efforts led by Thomas Tam and Paul Ramos to bring the medical exam room into the Lower East Side became institutionalized in the form of the Chinatown and Betances Health Clinics. The clinics offered low-cost, comprehensive, and multilingual services, and encouraged professionals and youths of color to serve the community.

This study argues that despite the basic inertia in U.S. China policy during the Kennedy and Johnson years, the period nonetheless witnessed a fundamental evolution in the strategic presumptions underlying Washington’s approach to the China “problem.” By increments, U.S. policymakers began to seriously question the wisdom of a policy predicated on the idea that the containment of the People’s Republic of China necessitated its political and economic isolation. Inversely, a basic consensus emerged in interested corners of the U.S. foreign policy bureaucracy that considered attempts to engage the Chinese—on levels bilateral and multilateral, official and unofficial—could serve to socialise China’s revolutionaries, thereby facilitating a reduction in Sino-American tensions and paving the way to a bilateral rapprochement. Critically, in this analysis “engagement” was seen as a means of enhancing, rather than simply supplanting, the larger effort to contain China. The dynamics involved in the emergence of this consensus are manifold and complex, and cannot be properly understood without close reference to changes in both the international strategic environment and the domestic political context through the 1960s. At the heart of this process, however, were advocates of policy moderation within the U.S. bureaucracy, mediating external pressures for policy movement, and championing the case for a more conciliatory approach to Sino-American relations. The growing acceptance of what was sometimes articulated as “containment without isolation”—shorthand for a policy framework that implicitly rejects the either/or choice between containment and engagement—found expression in, and was in turn fostered by, basic adjustments in Washington’s posture toward Mao’s China. By the end of 1968 senior U.S. officials had repeatedly signalled that Washington was reconciled to the reality of a Communist-controlled mainland China, and would in fact welcome expanded efforts toward bilateral accommodation and even cooperation. These postural shifts may not have been matched by concrete policy changes, yet they remain significant. In the most immediate sense, the less provocative posture toward China enhanced Washington’s capacity to communicate U.S. intent to China’s leadership, thereby helping avert a direct Sino-American conflict in the 1960s, even as the two sides pursued antithetical objectives in the Asian region. In a longer-term frame of reference, the more flexible posture adopted in the 1960s played an important role in challenging the domestic politicisation of China policy, while establishing a rhetorical framework and conceptual foundation for more substantive policy movement. In the course of tracing these developments, this study also provides new interpretative insights on a number of specific issues pertaining to U.S. China policy in the Kennedy and Johnson years, including the policy preferences, relationships, and roles of key U.S. officials in shaping the policy process; the impact of domestic politics, alliance politics, and various Cold War strategic concerns on policy outcomes; the question of how to deal with China’s nuclear development; and the manner in which major China-related events and developments in the 1960s—such as the failure of Mao’s Great Leap Forward, the 1962 Taiwan Strait crisis, the Sino-Indian border war, China’s involvement in Vietnam, and the Cultural Revolution— were interpreted by U.S. officials, and, in turn, shaped understandings of and responses to the China problem. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1330812 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008