The role, basis for, and function of idealism in religion and religiosity are examined as both an individual and social phenomenon. Religion is divided into two manifestations of idealism that are described as conventional religion and unconventional religion. William James' frozen lake, used as a metaphor for religious personality types, is expanded to include a range of fear and depression based emotional forces that prompt various forms of idealism. Karl Marx's concept of utopia, Max Weber's protestant ethic, Emile Durkheim's anomie and totemic worship and Georg Simmel's social forms are described and compared as idealist manifestations. Robert Bellah's American civil religion is extrapolated to an institutional form of civil religion in Texas A&M University's Corps of Cadets as an organization utilizing totemic and philosophical ideals, collective representations, collective effervescence, civil ceremonies and intolerance as elements of the social solidarity. A personal, qualitative account of the indoctrination into this unconventionally religious organization, including quotations from members, is compared to the paradigms of religion as theorized by Bellah and Durkheim in order to display the use of idealism in the institutional setting. Theoretical perspectives of consumerism as described by George Ritzer and Campbell, as well as Thorstein Veblen's account of devotion are shown to have idealistic representations on both an individual and social level. This dissertation takes the reader from a concept of a non-supernatural existence to the use of idealism in various forms in order to assuage the awareness of painful aspects of reality. A method for a positive, naturalistic approach to the frozen lake is offered.

Texte remanié de: Dissertation Ph. D.--Department of sociology and anthropology--Ramat Gan--Bar Ilan university, 2005. / Bibliogr. p. 87-95.

Thesis (M.A.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1997. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-90).

Thesis (M.A.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1997. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-90).

Thesis (M.A.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1997. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-90).

The calling orientation to work represents the seed that has germinated into the exponentially growing ‘work as a calling’ literature. It was first articulated by Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton within Habits of the Heart in the 1980s. The following critical analysis of the ‘work as a calling’ literature, and of the moral foundation of the calling orientation more specifically, is intended for two particular audiences. The first audience broadly includes an interdisciplinary group of scholars working within business ethics, management, organizational psychology, and vocational psychology, among other fields of study. Amidst these scholars’ exponentially increasing interest in the idea of ‘work as a calling,’ the anatomical structure of their research remains remarkably similar. Their notions of ‘work as a calling’ stress that work should provide individuals with a deep sense of personal fulfillment. In particular, they suggest that work should be a therapeutic source of individual meaning. To secure this meaning, they exhibit an apparent centeredness on the self and an emphasis on the unconstrained pursuit of personal preferences. In most cases, scholars within the ‘work as a calling’ literature tend to proffer notions of ‘meaningful work’ that are divorced from moral considerations about ‘good work.’ While this broad group of scholars copiously references the calling orientation within their research on ‘work as a calling,’ a deep-seated misunderstanding pervades the literature to the extent that notions of ‘meaningful work’ have been divorced from notions of ‘good work.’ To this broader audience, I demonstrate herein that they do not realize how antithetical their scholarly literature on ‘work as a calling’ is to the moral foundation of Bellah et al.’s calling orientation. Namely, I argue that the construal of calling as an orientation to work would not exist within the literature if Bellah et al. had not first articulated the calling orientation as a buffer against the unregulated pursuit of personal preferences. Therefore, I claim that this broader group of scholars either needs to abandon the notion of ‘work as a calling’ or engage with the appropriate virtue framework that undergirds the calling orientation. I suspect, however, that several of these scholars will be hesitant to take up the virtue framework that is inextricably linked to the calling orientation. For this reason, much of the work following chapter 2 is devoted to a narrower audience of MacIntyrean business ethicists. It is also dedicated to a few scholars from the broader ‘work as a calling’ group whom I trust will not wish to remain accidental contributors to the language of individualism that pervades the literature once I have unmasked it. Perhaps, in time, they will even become MacIntyrean business ethicists. Indeed, the appropriate moral framework that undergirds the ‘work as a calling’ literature is actively being worked out by a narrower group of MacIntyrean business ethicists, all of whom represent my primary audience for the research herein. To the MacIntyrean community, I hope not only to provide a complete list of tendencies within the ‘work as a calling’ literature that must be resisted, but also a picture of all of the ways that Bellah et al.’s calling orientation is wholly bound up with MacIntyre’s moral philosophy – particularly his theory of the virtues and the common goods that the virtues sustain. Bellah et al.’s calling orientation rests upon a vision of ‘good work,’ and this vision of ‘good work’ hinges on a MacIntyrean account of the virtues that is directed toward the achievement of three distinct types of common goods: (a) the good and worthy ends of workplace practices, (b) the goods of an individual life, and (c) the goods of communities – or, more broadly, the interests of a good society. Furthermore, it will be shown to the MacIntyrean community that visions of ‘good work,’ which are sustained by the calling orientation, are accompanied by a nuanced vision of pluralistic collaboration that MacIntyre and Bellah et al. share. (I anticipate that this will be surprising to many readers who are familiar with the typical and misleading characterization of MacIntyre as a sectarian). Bellah et al. as well as MacIntyre’s vision of pluralism matters for research on the calling orientation because these figures demonstrate that individuals within the late modern workplace are informed by a plurality of religious and humanistic traditions, all of which account for ultimate meaning and goodness in different ways that ought to be recognized. Distinctive religious and humanistic visions of ultimate meaning indeed impact the perceived goodness of one’s calling. Hence, we must attend to the polysemic and multivocal nature of accounting for the goodness of any one particular calling (i.e., a Buddhist doctor within the Western medical tradition is likely to articulate the goodness of his calling differently than a Jewish doctor working within the Western medical tradition). Still, however, Bellah et al. and MacIntyre’s account entails a hopefulness in the possibility of pluralistic, (or, what I shall call inter-traditional) striving for the achievement of common goods that are practical enough to agree upon.

PhD thesis assesses the history of the idea of civil religion and proposes a theoretical interface encompassing all its conceptualisations encountered to date (Rousseau, Bellah, Cristi, Parsons, Luhmann, and Lübbe). Civil religion is understood here as a system of reference points through which society, in the process of self-description, projects into the peripheries its autopoietic realities (of the past, future and eternality) so as to lend stability and import to its existence. By relating to these references, a discourse originates which, being characteristic of the presence of thick and comprehensive meanings, enables the society to communicate about its origins, ends and purpose. In its civil configuration this discourse is pluralist and the involvement of its actors is quite restrained. The model allows for an analysis of the entire serious symbol-based communication of the actors (weighty words, religious symbols, nationalism, conspiracy theories and political correctness) within a single context, as well as of preconditions for such communication. The crisis discourse opened in the USA after 9/11 and aspects of Czech life and institutions are also analysed. In the Czech Republic we identify a minority civil religion discourse, concentrated around semi-secularised references on truth and...

<p>The aim of this paper is to apply Robert N. Bellahs theory of civil religion, within a Swedish societal context. Bellahs theory was designed in, and influenced by American culture. Therefore, the “translation” of Bellahs theory does not come without problems. A methodological discussion concludes with methods focusing on national self-conceptions. Through this method, the Swedish social democratic notion of the “folkhem” can be related to the notions included by “the American way of life”. The “folkhem” as well as “the American way of life” includes ideas of the nation, made up by specific historical events, in both nations. Those ideas are vital parts of the national self conception in both nations. Historical premises are constantly reborn through the rhetorical reinterpretation, and through the eyes of Bellah, the notion of the folkhem creates a national embracive, ethical value system. The notion of the folkhem still is viable in the Swedish society. Contemporary use of the folkhem-notion is discerned by the threats of globalization and neoliberlismic tendencies. In the light of these threats, the folkhem-notion includes the preservation of Puritanism ideals.</p><p> </p>

The aim of this paper is to apply Robert N. Bellahs theory of civil religion, within a Swedish societal context. Bellahs theory was designed in, and influenced by American culture. Therefore, the “translation” of Bellahs theory does not come without problems. A methodological discussion concludes with methods focusing on national self-conceptions. Through this method, the Swedish social democratic notion of the “folkhem” can be related to the notions included by “the American way of life”. The “folkhem” as well as “the American way of life” includes ideas of the nation, made up by specific historical events, in both nations. Those ideas are vital parts of the national self conception in both nations. Historical premises are constantly reborn through the rhetorical reinterpretation, and through the eyes of Bellah, the notion of the folkhem creates a national embracive, ethical value system. The notion of the folkhem still is viable in the Swedish society. Contemporary use of the folkhem-notion is discerned by the threats of globalization and neoliberlismic tendencies. In the light of these threats, the folkhem-notion includes the preservation of Puritanism ideals.