Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-323). Also available on the Internet.

The Black Consciousness philosophy with its focus on black solidarity, the exclusion of whites from the black struggle for liberation, being consciously black and black self-determination, amongst some of the principles espoused by the Black Consciousness philosophy may prima-facie seem to be advocating a parochial politics of race or even a racially exclusionist politics obsessed with cultural authenticity and racial peculiarity. Black Consciousness from such an optic may seem to be more in line with other race centred systems such as apartheid based on white superiority as opposed to a politics that rejects a race centred approach to political life. Certain readings of Black Consciousness reflect the philosophy as espousing a more regressive as opposed to a progressive liberatory politics. Furthermore, Black Consciousness with its focus on race its critics will argue is not in line with a politics of non-racialism which seeks a total rejection of race. However, such an understanding of non-racialism is a very limited and unsophisticated one as it entails a rejection of race without first engaging with the concrete reality of race, while also assuming that a rejection of race entails integration. Indeed, it may be a great goal to attain a society in which race does not matter and in which it is not a determining factor in the life of any individual. Yet, to not see race when race has had and continues to have a profound impact on South African society, especially the poor black majority, may serve to be more regressive than progressive. In a society where inequality manifests along racial lines a hastily sought integration may not serve to attain the desired outcome of a genuine non-racial society. Equality thus becomes a central perquisite to make possible the attainment of a non-racial society unhindered by the limitations of white superiority and black inferiority. With the persistence of inequality accompanied by white domination and acquiescing blacks a non-racial society will serve to be an illusion. Biko, through his articulation of the Black Consciousness philosophy sought the attainment of a radical egalitarianism; this from the Black Consciousness optic being the condition upon which a non-racial politics and society could be forged. Black Consciousness has the ability to create a truly non-racial subject, its sophisticated conception of race which conceives of race as being consciously contrived can serve to illustrate the implicit non-racial outlook of the Black Consciousness philosophy. Through the project of Black Consciousness the end goal could indeed be perceived as being a radical egalitarian non-racial society. The overall tenor is that Black Consciousness complements non-racialism more than it contradicts it.

This study contemplates the development of a South African critical race theory (CRT) with reference to the thought of Steve Biko. From a long view, the aim of this research is to bring the insights of the Black Radical Tradition to bear on the study of law and jurisprudence with particular focus on the problem of “post-­apartheid South Africa”. Working from the scene of the “afterlife” of colonial-­apartheid and situated at the intersection of critical race theory (CRT) and Black Consciousness (BC), this study aims to develop an alternative approach to law and jurisprudence that could respond to the persistence of race and racism as the deep and fundamental fault-­lines of post-­1994 South Africa. The transition to a “new” South Africa, undergirded by the discourses of human rights, nation-­building and reconciliation and underwritten by a liberal and Western constitution followed a path of change and transformation which has resulted in the reproduction of colonial-­apartheid power relations. Settler-­colonial white supremacy as both a structure of power and a symbolic order continues to determine, shape and organise the South African socio-­economic, cultural, political, psychic and juridical landscape. This foregoing problem has remained largely unthought in the South African legal academy and therefore this research takes up the task of recalling the thought, memory and politics of Steve Biko in search of a critical and liberatory perspective that could counter dominant theoretical and jurisprudential accounts of the past and present. The study therefore explores Biko’s historical interpretation of the South African reality and his theorisation of concepts such race, identity and liberation and retrieves these in order to critique and contest both post-­1994 law, society and jurisprudence as well as the faulty epistemological, historical, and ideological terms on which they are based. In the end, the study proposes to read Biko’s thought as standing in the guise of a jurisprudence of liberation or post-­conquest jurisprudence which unsettles the very foundations of “post”-­apartheid law and reason. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Jurisprudence / DPhil / Unrestricted

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This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis discusses ethical dilemmas faced by district surgeons in South Africa. District surgeons render clinical forensic services, which means that they deal mainly with detainees and victims of crime. The main functions of district surgeons are the collection of forensic evidence from patients and the care of detainees. So the focus is to assist in the administration of justice rather than improvement of patient wellbeing. The district surgeon may therefore find himself in a situation where patients’ interests are in conflict with those of law enforcement agencies. Being a medical practitioner in clinical forensic medicine, the district surgeon has an obligation to assist in the administration of justice, as opposed to the traditional obligation to care for patients and put patient’s interests first. This allegiance to both administration of justice as well as patient wellbeing lead to an ethical dilemma of dual loyalties. A dual obligations presents an ethical dilemma for the district surgeon, especially if they are in conflict and mutually exclusive. I discuss the detention and subsequent death of Steve Biko to illustrate how dual obligations can lead to serious human rights violations and even death. Dual obligations are however not limited to detainees and police custody settings, and I demonstrate this by discussing three other scenarios commonly encountered by district surgeons. There is a lack clear guidance for district surgeons who are faced with a conflict of obligations. I explore several ethical theories including consequentialism, deontology and virtue ethics, in search of an ethical framework suitable for resolving conflicts in clinical forensic medicine. I therefore argue that a duty based ethical framework is central to clinical forensic medicine and the resolution of loyalty conflicts. I recommend the resolution of conflicts by using an approach developed by Benjamin (2006). This approach involves weighing -up the different duties in conflict, applying philosophical reasoning and then amelioration. By adopting a structured and wellreasoned ethical framework, district surgeons will be able to deal with conflicts of obligations better. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bespreek etiese dilemmas wat in die gesig gestaar word deur distriksgeneeshere in Suid-Afrika. Distriksgeneeshere lewer kliniese forensiese dienste, wat beteken dat hulle handel hoofsaaklik oor die gevangenes en slagoffers van misdaad. Die belangrikste funksies van distriksgeneeshere is die insameling van forensiese getuienis van pasiënte, en die sorg van gevangenes. Met hierdie benadering is die fokus om te help met die administratiewe doeleindes van geregtigheid, eerder as die verbetering van die pasiënt se welstand. Die distriksgeneesheer kan hom dus in 'n situasie vind waarby die pasiënte se belange in konflik is met dié van wetstoepassingsagentskappe. As 'n geneesheer in kliniese forensiese geneeskunde, het die distriksgeneesheer 'n verpligting om te help met die administrasie van geregtigheid, in teenstelling met die tradisionele verpligting om te sorg vir hul pasiënte, en hul welstand eerste te plaas. Hierdie getrouheid gaan gepaard met beide regspleging, sowel as die welstand van die pasiënt, wat kan lei tot 'n etiese dilemma van dubbele lojaliteit. Dubbele verpligtinge bied 'n etiese dilemma vir die distriksgeneesheer, veral as hulle in konflik en wedersyds uitsluitend is. Ek bespreek die aanhouding en die daaropvolgende dood van Steve Biko om te illustreer hoe dubbele verpligtinge kan lei tot ernstige skending van menseregte en selfs die dood. Dubbele verpligtinge is egter nie beperk tot die gevangenes en polisie-aanhouding instellings nie, en ek demonstreer dit deur die bespreking van drie ander “scenario's” wat oor die algemeen eervaar word deur distriksgeneeshere. Daar is 'n gebrek aan duidelike riglyne vir distriksgeneeshere wat 'n botsing van verpligtinge in die gesig staar. Ek verken verskeie etiese teorieë insluitende konsekwensialisme, deontologie en deugde-etiek, op soek na 'n etiese raamwerk geskik vir die oplossing van konflikte in kliniese geregtelike geneeskunde. Ek argumenteer dus dat 'n pligsgebaseerde etiese raamwerk sentraal is tot kliniese forensiese geneeskunde, en die resolusie van lojaliteit konflikte. Ek beveel die oplossing van konflikte deur die gebruik van 'n benadering wat ontwikkel is deur Benjamin (2006). Hierdie benadering behels 'n gewigsoorweging tussen die verskillende pligte in konflik, die toepassing van filosofiese redenasie en verbetering. Deur die aanneming van 'n gestruktureerde en beredeneerde etiese raamwerk, sal distriksgeneeshere dus in staat wees om konflikte van verpligtinge beter te hanteer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the ways in which the censors during the apartheid era responded to the works of three black liberation theorists; namely Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral and Steve Biko. Although other studies of apartheid‐era censorship have been published, this is the first to examine the censors’ reactions to the work of key African liberation writers. Apartheid in South Africa brought with it a stringent system of governance, which included a board of censors who would decide, according their interpretation of the laws of the time, whether a publication was considered to be “desirable” or “not undesirable.” One of the major themes examined in the thesis is the interface and tension between the specific and the transnational. As we shall see, all three liberation theorists put forward Pan‐African ideas of liberation, but often explicated upon the specificities of their particular liberation struggles. In a strange act of mirroring, while upholding the idea of South Africa as “a special case” (exempt from the norms of international human rights law), the apartheid‐era censors were concerned about the spread of Pan‐African theories of liberation. Beginning with Fanon, I speculate on the reason why Black Skin White Masks was not banned in South Africa, though Fanon’s later works to enter the country were banned. I also examine Gillo Pontecorvo’s film The Battle of Algiers, which was influenced by Fanon’s theories, and censorship, arguing that the “likely readers” or “likely viewers” of revolutionary material included not only possible revolutionaries, but also paranoid networks of counterinsurgency. I then move on to examine the apartheid censors’ responses to the works of Amilcar Cabral, outlining the interface and tension between local and continental as described above. The final chapter, which deals with the censors’ responses to Steve “Bantu” Biko’s I Write What I Like as well as Donald Wood’s Biko, the film Cry Freedom and other Biko related texts and memorabilia, has some surprises about the supposedly “liberal” censors’ responses to what they deemed to be “undesirable” and “not undesirable” literature. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die manier waarop die sensuurraad tydens die apartheidera gereageer het op die werk van drie swart bevrydingsteoretici, by name Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral en Steve Biko. Hoewel daar wel ander studies oor apartheidera‐sensuur die gepubliseer is, is hierdie die eerste studie wat die sensuurraad se reaksie op die werk van sleutel‐Afrikabevrydingskrywers verken. Apartheid het ‘n streng beheerstelsel in Suid‐Afrika tot gevolg gehad wat ‘n sensuurraad ingesluit het wat volgens sy interpretasie van die toenmalige wette kon besluit of ‘n publikasie “wenslik” of “nie‐wenslik” was. Een van die hooftemas wat in hierdie tesis ondersoek word is die interaksie en spanning tussen die spesifieke en die transnasionale. Soos sal blyk, het al drie bevrydingsteoretici Pan‐Afrikanistiese idees van bevryding ondersteun, maar dikwels die besondere van hul spesifieke bevrydingstryd uiteengesit. Die apartheidera‐sensors se kommer oor die verspreiding van die Pan‐ Afrikanistiese bevrydingsteorië, terwyl hulle die idee van Suid‐Afrika as “’n spesiale geval” (vrygestel van die norme van internasionale menseregtewetgewing) voorgehou het, was ‘n ironiese spieëlbeeld hiervan. Ek begin by Fanon en bespiegel oor die redes waarom Black Skin White Masks nooit in Suid‐Afrika verbied was nie hoewel Fanon se latere werk wat die land binnegekom het, wel verbied was. Ek ondersoek ook Gillo Pontecorvo se film The Battle of Algiers wat deur Fanon se teorië beïnvloed is, en argumenteer dat die “waarskynlike lesers” en “waarskynlike kykers” van revolusionêre materiaal nie slegs moontlike revolusionêre ingesluit het nie, maar ook paranoïede netwerke van teeninsurgensie. Ek gaan voort deur die reaksie van die apartheidera‐sensors op die werke van Amilcar Cabral te ondersoek en die interaksie en spanning tussen die plaaslike en die kontinentale, soos hierbo beskryf, uit te lig. Die slothoofstuk, wat handel oor die sensuurraad se reaksie op Steve “Bantu” Biko se I Write What I Like, asook Donald Woods se Biko, die film Cry Freedom en ander Biko‐verwante tekste en memorabilia, bevat verrassings omtrent die sogenaamde “liberale” sensors se reaksies op wat hulle as “wenslike” en “nie‐wenslike” literatuur beskou het.

Joint appointments in the health sector in South Africa are made to serve both service and academic functions in one post. Typically the employing organisations are unequal, as one of them is the paying organisation while the other is the academic employer. This practice has been in existence for decades, and is ruled by expediency rather than being based on values. Joint employees experience role confusion, job confusion, dual loyalty confusion and being managed according to the rules of two organisations. This suboptimal situation leads to lower-than-expected performance in the eyes of both employing organisations. In this study the knowledge and problem areas of joint appointments were explored. The first part of the study consisted of a questionnaire analysis of the knowledge and view of problems as expressed by joint staff as well as by human resources (HR) practitioners. Group discussions, as well as the major part of the study, namely, interviews with senior management staff of both organisations were then conducted. In order to complete the study, an analysis was made of values that might inform on the problem. Joint staff members were found to have limited knowledge of the work requirements of a joint employee, and expressed concern about loyalty and role confusion. When the values were discussed with senior management staff, some values were identified as informing on possible solutions such as joint establishment of vision, joint objectives, respect for all components of the job, as well as generic values, including honesty, transparency, fairness, diversity and others. A framework is suggested commenting on the potential place for a values-based approach. From this a model is proposed by means of which a values-based process can be initiated by a top-level agreement meeting (“meeting of the minds”) of both employers that may lead to a single joint vision and set of objectives. From this agreement a policymaking joint body can establish the rules, while application and implementation are monitored by local joint management committees. / Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Human Resource Management / unrestricted

This study focuses on Steve Biko’s Africana existential phenomenology, with particular emphasis on the themes of blackness, black solidarity and liberation. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is Africana existential phenomenology, which is used as a lens to understand Biko’s political thought. The study argues that thematic areas of blackness, black solidarity, and liberation are inherent in Africana existential phenomenology. These thematic areas give a better understanding of existential questions of being black in the antiblack world. What is highlighted is the importance and the relevance of the revival of Biko’s thinking towards creating other modes of being that are necessary for the actualisation of blacks as full human subjects. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)