This research aims to understand how black descriptive representation comes about and why black descriptive representation matters, at the state level. What distinguishes this research from previous works is its simultaneous analysis of different forms of descriptive representation at the subnational level, rather than in Congress or at the local level. This research argues black descriptive representation can take four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity and caucus. An important and understudied mechanism for black descriptive representation is the formation of state legislative black caucuses and their potential to influence policy and behavior. Subnational descriptive representation need not have negative tradeoffs for black substantive policy representation, as has been found with minority representation in Congress (Lublin 1997). Black representation is akin to a diamond, and looking at it from only one perspective is similar to judging a diamond only by its color, instead of also judging it by its hardness and fluorescence, as well as its clarity, shape, and size. In short, this work recognizes the multifaceted nature of black representation in the states. This research defines a theory of black descriptive representation as taking four different forms: dyadic, collective, parity, and caucus. Dyadic descriptive representation is the one-to-one relationship between a legislator and a voter, and heretofore it has received the most scholarly attention. This one-to-one relationship may occur between a minority citizen and their elected representation in Congress, in the state legislature, or in local government (Bobo and Gilliam 1990; Barreto, Segura, and Woods 2004), but this work focuses on dyadic descriptive representation in Congress. Although some argue that dyadic descriptive representation leads to better policy outcomes for blacks (Whitby 1997; Hutchings, McClerking, and Charles 2004), and encourages blacks to engage in politics (Gay 2001; Gay 2002; Tate 2003; Banducci, Donovan, and Karp 2004; Griffin and Keane 2006), others argue that dyadic descriptive representation is not only unnecessary to implement policies beneficial to blacks (Swain 1993), but also that it may actually lead to poorer policy outcomes for the group (Lublin 1997). That is, there is a tradeoff between increasing the number of black representatives (descriptive representation) and passing policies beneficial to the group (substantive representation). Collective descriptive representation is the relationship that an individual has with elected officials with whom they share a group identity. For blacks, collective descriptive representation may include the percentage of black lawmakers in the state legislature or Congress. An argument developed in this research is that collective descriptive representation in the state legislature, a topic rarely studied by scholars of race and ethnicity, may maximize both descriptive and substantive representation, and as a result, it may encourage black political behavior and lead to better policy outcomes for the group. Both parity and caucus descriptive representation are extensions of collective descriptive representation in the state legislature. Parity descriptive representation examines the extent to which the percentage of blacks in the state legislature is equal to a state's black population and is a measure of racial equity in electoral representation. Caucus descriptive representation is the formal organization of black lawmakers within a state legislature. Almost no published research has empirically studied legislative black caucuses in the states (for an exception see King-Meadows and Schaller 2006). Since the four forms of descriptive representation are distinct, the expectation is that they be caused by different factors. Moreover, this research builds on previous work by measuring and defining collective descriptive representation in all fifty states and is the first research to argue that state legislative black caucuses shape political behavior.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-06-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:35:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 dias_ma_me_assis.pdf: 316416 bytes, checksum: 731cebe101cfed22b2212aa09a1068d1 (MD5) / Secretaria do Estado de Educação de São Paulo / O presente trabalho propõe analisar o único romance de Monteiro Lobato, O presidente negro (1926). Os objetivos fundamentais da pesquisa são: 1) a apresentação do levantamento sistemático da fortuna crítica de O presidente negro; 2) a proposta de uma leitura da narrativa com ênfase na discussão do gênero ficção científica; 3) propor uma reflexão sobre a figura do publicista Monteiro Lobato e suas visões utópicas e distópicas acerca da realidade brasileira; 4) a análise da estrutura narrativa da obra “para adultos” e a comparação com as personagens das obras infantis verificando a similaridade no processo de criação das mesmas. A justificativa para a realização do trabalho é a necessidade de revisitar o único romance de Monteiro Lobato tendo em vista as manifestações de estudo e crítica dessa obra desde o seu lançamento até as mais recentes acerca da reedição da obra, em 2008, por ocasião das eleições norte-americanas com Barack Obama / The present research proposes to analyze the only novel by Monteiro Lobato, O presidente negro (1926) - (The Black President). The fundamental aims of the research are: 1) The presentation of the collection of systemic facts of critical fortune of O presidente negro; 2) The suggestion of a reading narrative with emphasis on discussion of science fiction genre; 3) The suggestion of a reflection on image of a political writer and his utopian and dystopian visions about Brazilian reality; 4) The analysis of characters from the general literature and the comparison with characters from juvenile literature checking the similarities in the creation process of them. The reason for doing this research is the necessity of revisiting the only novel of Monteiro Lobato considering that the manifestations of study and criticism of this novel since its release until the most recent works on occasion of a new release of the book and, in 2008, also because of the North America elections with Barack Obama

Orientador: João Luís Cardoso Tápias Ceccantini / Banca: Cleide Antonia Rapucci / Banca: Lia Cupertino Duarte / Resumo: O presente trabalho propõe analisar o único romance de Monteiro Lobato, O presidente negro (1926). Os objetivos fundamentais da pesquisa são: 1) a apresentação do levantamento sistemático da fortuna crítica de O presidente negro; 2) a proposta de uma leitura da narrativa com ênfase na discussão do gênero ficção científica; 3) propor uma reflexão sobre a figura do publicista Monteiro Lobato e suas visões utópicas e distópicas acerca da realidade brasileira; 4) a análise da estrutura narrativa da obra "para adultos" e a comparação com as personagens das obras infantis verificando a similaridade no processo de criação das mesmas. A justificativa para a realização do trabalho é a necessidade de revisitar o único romance de Monteiro Lobato tendo em vista as manifestações de estudo e crítica dessa obra desde o seu lançamento até as mais recentes acerca da reedição da obra, em 2008, por ocasião das eleições norte-americanas com Barack Obama / Abstract: The present research proposes to analyze the only novel by Monteiro Lobato, O presidente negro (1926) - (The Black President). The fundamental aims of the research are: 1) The presentation of the collection of systemic facts of critical fortune of O presidente negro; 2) The suggestion of a reading narrative with emphasis on discussion of science fiction genre; 3) The suggestion of a reflection on image of a political writer and his utopian and dystopian visions about Brazilian reality; 4) The analysis of characters from the general literature and the comparison with characters from juvenile literature checking the similarities in the creation process of them. The reason for doing this research is the necessity of revisiting the only novel of Monteiro Lobato considering that the manifestations of study and criticism of this novel since its release until the most recent works on occasion of a new release of the book and, in 2008, also because of the North America elections with Barack Obama / Mestre