Bachelor-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2007.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Après la Shoah, l'aide matérielle et le soutien moral des Juifs des Etats-Unis jouent un rôle considérable dans la reconstruction du monde juif en Europe. Cette vaste entreprise philanthropique se manifeste aussi bien de façon unifiée que par l’intermédiaire de réseaux plus ciblés, chaque pan du monde juif des Etats-Unis souhaitant secourir les siens et œuvrer de manière indépendante à la pérennité de sa vision particulière de la judaïcité. C’est dans ce cadre que les socialistes juifs américains du Jewish Labor Committee, organisation antinazie créée à New York en 1934, se tournent vers les rescapés du monde yiddish non-communiste et plus particulièrement vers ceux résidant en France, majoritairement concentrés dans et autour de la capitale. Paris, ville vers laquelle affluent à la fin des années 1940 des milliers de survivants de la Shoah, dont nombre de transitaires en route vers des destinations outre-mer, représente alors un des lieux d’espoir pour l’épanouissement de leur culture minoritaire. L’étude de cas de l’intervention du Jewish Labor Committee en France de 1944 à 1948 présente la singularité des préoccupations des bundistes et des socialistes de culture yiddish à la sortie du génocide et au début de la guerre froide. Elle observe l’évolution de leurs idées comme leurs efforts et doutes pour affronter les défis de l’après-guerre et perpétuer leur projet politique et culturel national hors de leur territoire d’origine en Europe orientale. Pour approfondir ces thématiques, cette recherche met en perspective le monde yiddish avec les mondes juif et non-juif, socialiste et syndical, qui l’environnent. Etant le cadre de vastes échanges de courriers, d’informations, d’hommes, de biens matériels et d'argent entre les Etats-Unis et la France, l’action du Jewish Labor Committee se prête à l’analyse de l’interaction entre des immigrés situés dans deux pôles d’une migration divergente. Inspirée par les recherches sur le transnationalisme des primo-immigrés, cette étude transpose les questions de circulations entre les frontières et de négociations entre deux environnements nationaux dans le cas d’acteurs se tournant non pas vers leur pays d’origine mais vers un autre centre de leur diaspora. Appréhendée via cette rencontre entre socialistes juifs aux Etats-Unis et en France, une telle approche transnationale amène à questionner les degrés de proximité entre deux centres de la « diaspora yiddish » au lendemain de la destruction. / In the aftermath of the Holocaust, the material aid and moral support provided by the Jews of the United States played a considerable role in the reconstruction of European Jewry. This wide philanthropic undertaking was implemented through several completementary channels: the major, inclusive and unified relief of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee was supplemented by smaller networks of aid. If communal action was indeed necessary and efficient, each part of the Jewish world of the United States was willing to rescue its kin and to act independently to ensure the continuance of its own meaning of Jewishness. Within this frame, American Jewish Socialists of the Jewish Labor Committee, an anti-Nazi organizaton created in New York in 1934, supported the survivors of the non-Communist Yiddish world. Thousands of Holocaust survivors headed to Paris in the late 1940s, many staying in transit before leaving for their final destinations overseas. At that time, this European metropolis represented a place of hope for the fulfilment of their minority culture. The Jewish Labor Committee thus significantly concentrated on those survivors settled in France, who for the most part lived in or around the French capital. This study of the Jewish Labor Committee in France from 1944 to 1948 describes the concerns Bundists and Jewish Socialists of Yiddish culture faced in the aftermath of the genocide and the early Cold War period. Focusing on the inner circles of those actors as well as their interaction with the different Jewish and political groups which surrounded them, I question how they responded to the stakes of the postwar years and how they worked to perpetuate their political and cultural project outside of their communities of origin in Eastern Europe. The action of the Jewish Labor Committee in postwar France required considerable exchanges: of letters, information, people, material goods and money. These exchanges provide the resources for an analysis of the interaction of immigrants settled in two centers of a divergent migration. Inspired by research on transnationalism among first-generation immigrants, this study explores the movement of ideas and people across frontiers and the negotiation between two national contexts. If such questions are usually applied to migrants’ connections to their country of origin, I adapt them in the context of connections of migrants with another center of their diaspora. In the case of this encounter between Jewish Socialists in the United States and France, such a transnational approach leads me to evaluate the degrees of proximity between these two centers of the « Yiddish diaspora » in the aftermath of destruction.

Inaug. Diss.--Philosphische Promotions-Kommission--Frankfurt am Main, 1972. / Résumé p. 405-415. Bibliogr. p. 417-431. Index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Trier, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [150]-152).

Univ., Diss.--Marburg.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--New York University, Graduate School of Arts and Science, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 372-396). Also available on the Internet.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Paris-Sorbonne, [200.]. / Bibliogr. p. 495-504.

The Bund deutscher Madel (BdM), a Nazi youth organization for girls, was sponsored, organized, and promoted by Adolf Hitler's National Socialist Party. The BdM instilled values and beliefs of National Socialism in German girls, and encouraged attitudes and behavior in them that harmonized with Party views on womanhood. Political indoctrination for girls often came through music---especially song. Musical repertoire of the BdM strongly interconnects with the organization's development, internal structure and political philosophies. / My thesis analyses the relations between music, the BdM, National Socialism, and gender. Historical perspectives are documented to clarify the function and intention of the BdM, including its politics and philosophy, its activities designed to foster 'natural' gender roles, and its emerging supremacy over other right-wing youth movements in Nazi Germany. My thesis then examines conceptions of 'natural' gender roles for girls and women in Nazi society and how these role expectations are covertly and overtly embedded in the official music book of the BdM, entitled Wir Madel singen! To illustrate this relationship between music, politics, and gender expectations, ten songs from Wir Madel singen! are analyzed in detail.

This thesis examines German memories of the Vertriebene, the twelve million Germans who fled their homeland in the face of Russian invasion in the closing days of World War II. I explore the acceptable limits of victim discourse and consider the validity of arguments about German victimization in light of the atrocities committed by Germans during the war. Three chapters discuss diaspora, discourse and commemoration. I relate diaspora historiography to the Vertriebene and then dissect the discourse of the Bund der Vertriebenen and its construction of a German "victim mythos" that undermined more acceptable claims for the recognition of Germans victimhood. I then analyze debates over the suitable commemoration of German victims in academic discourse, fiction, and efforts to build a memorial to the Vertriebene. I conclude that some Germans can be considered legitimate victims of the war, but only when one also remembers the victims of Germans.