In this study, the adaptive behaviour towards sustainability initiatives is investigated in interorganizational exchange relations. To do so, Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) in a supplier role that experienced a situation where a buyer asked them to adapt to a certain sustainability initiative are asked about their power relation with their buyer. During this process, suppliers perceived dependence and buyers perceived power are compared, and the outcome of these measures on the adaptive behaviour towards sustainability is modelled. In order to explain the power relation in the dyad in more detail, the framework of the bases of power as initially introduced by French Jr. and Raven (1959) is integrated in the analysis. Sustainability in the current globalised business environment needs to be tackled on a systems level rather than by focusing on a site. The purpose of this research is to shed some light on the permeation of sustainability initiatives through the upward supply chain. The current academic literature about the drivers of Sustainable Supply Chain Management (SSCM) point towards the buyers as a powerful driver. Therefore, this driver is scrutinized in detail with the aims to: a) deliver practical advice on how to improve sustainability permeation from a buyer s perspective; and b) contribute to academic knowledge by dismantling and analysing the mechanism behind buyer power driven sustainability permeation. An online questionnaire was deployed to collect data from SMEs in a supplier role. The participants were contacted and reminded via email. The questionnaire is based on established instruments to measure suppliers dependence (Bode et al., 2011) and the bases of power (Raven et al., 1998). The quantitative analysis of the responses to the questionnaires is built around a mediation model with suppliers dependence as Independent Variable (IV), the binary outcome of sustainability adaptation as Dependent Variable (DV) and two mediators representing the magnitude of hard and soft power bases in the dyadic exchange relation. The established framework of the bases of power is a suitable instrument to explain the relationship between a supplier s adaptive behaviour towards sustainability and its dependence on its buyer. Measurements solely of how a supplier perceives its dependence on the buyer do not explain the adaptive behaviour of a supplier towards a buyer-requested sustainability initiative. Introducing the bases of power framework and distinguishing between soft and hard bases of power explains why suppliers experiencing hard power bases are more likely to reject a buyer-requested sustainability initiative, whereas suppliers experiencing soft power bases show a significantly higher acceptance of buyer-requested sustainability initiatives. Without dismantling the black box power, the observation that the two effects neutralize each other if not distinguished cannot be made. The original contribution to knowledge is the mechanism behind power in dyadic exchange relations and how this mechanism conduces to the permeation of sustainability through the supply chain. Knowing about the different pathways hard and soft, and their opposite effect on sustainability adaptation, advances knowledge in the SSCM literature and provides guidance for practitioners.

不動產估價師的本質在於解釋不動產於市場上價值反應的情況，而價格係由買賣雙方透過公開市場所決定，故不動產估價師不僅在解釋不動產之價值所在，亦在說明買賣雙方於公開市場中的行為模式。然此行為模式主要根據買賣雙方對不動產價格之認知基礎，因此不動產估價師以比較法進行項目調整時，若缺乏考量買賣雙方之認知，對不動產價格的合理區間即可能無法清楚掌握。而國外過去對此議題僅著重於估價師與買方之討論，然不動產價格係由買賣雙方共同合意，故應加入賣方進行探討。 本文以台北市住宅不動產為例，透過對不動產價格影響因素的認知角度，探討不動產估價師、買方及賣方對住宅價格影響因素重要性的認知差異情形，並進一步分析不動產估價師和買賣雙方認知產生差異的可能原因。 研究根據問卷調查結果，實證顯示買賣雙方彼此間對住宅價格影響因素並無明顯認知差異，然而不同家戶屬性的買方、賣方對價格影響因素仍有不同的認知。另外，研究亦發現不動產估價師與買賣雙方之間，對價格影響因素認知存有差異，這是由於環境與制度面使然，且本研究亦證實台灣不動產估價師以區位交通因素為調整價格的首要因素，然而區位未必代表一切，研究結果顯示住宅環境對買賣雙方的重要性甚至更高。 / The real estate appraiser is not only interpreting the value range, but telling the behavior of buyer and seller. The objective of this study is to probe into the cognition differences to the variables determining residential property values between appraiser, buyer and seller. The survey was carried out within a period involved buyers and sellers which participated in the sales of residential property from June 2008 to February 2009 in Taipei City. The results show that buyers and sellers do not have obvious cognition difference, but they do have different cognition with different household attributes. Besides, there is exactly cognition difference between appraiser, buyer and seller, and this is because of the residential property transaction environment and institution. Furthermore, the study reveals that the real estate appraisers in Taiwan take Location factors as the most important ones when they adjusting property price; however, buyers and sellers put even more attention on Residential factors.

M.A. Faculty of Humanties, University of the Witwatersrand / The racial discrimination under colonialism and apartheid culminated to the dispossession of black people from their land, and to unequal land distribution between black and white people. Territorial segregation during this period was not only about the displacement of black people from their land and their deprivation to equal access to land compared to their white counterparts, it was also about economic deprivation, eradication of subsistence agriculture and the transformation of blacks into wage labourers (Hall, 2004; Walker, 2008).The post-apartheid land reform process was initiated to redress the injustices and inequalities of the past. It took a market-driven approach to blend the objectives of land reform with those of national reconciliation and maintenance of food security (DLA, 1997). The land reform process took a form of restoring land to its original owners who were forcefully removed from it after June 1913 or compensation if land could not be restored. It was also aimed at securing tenure rights for farm workers, labour tenants, farm dwellers and people residing in communal areas. The aims of the third part of the land reform programme was to redistribute 30% of commercial farms in white hands to black people with the view of redressing racial disparities in landholding. As early as in the initial stages of the development of South Africa’s land policy in the early 1990s, scholars and civil society groups warned about the ineffectiveness of the market to deliver on land reform objectives. This paper adopts a case study approach to study the South African land reform process in relation to the notion of empowerment. It focuses on the Land Reform for Agricultural Development (LRAD) sub-programme by looking at the intersection between race, gender and class. Bambanani Fruits (Pty) Ltd, an LRAD project based in the Gauteng province is used as a case study. This is an LRAD Equity Scheme project, meaning that its beneficiaries (who are former workers on the farm) acquired an LRAD grant to purchase equity shares to be co-owners of the project. Bambanani Fruits is a successful project considering its productivity and access to the market. This paper investigates how much LRAD beneficiaries are part of this success i.e. whether they have agency, whether they feel a sense of ownership and control of the project, and the extent at which they take part in decision making in the project. This task is carried out through the application of Kabeer’s (1999) instrumentalist model of measuring empowerment. Kabeer states that empowerment is measured by looking at three aspects, namely; resources, agency and achievement. Kabeer’s model is applied to the data which was collected through various means including in depth interviews with Bambanani LRAD beneficiaries and land officials from the province, document analysis and review of existing scholarly work on land reform. It is well documented that South Africa’s land reform process has been very slow in delivering to its objectives, and departmental reports used in this paper also confirm this assertion. The research results reveal that even though more land was transferred under LRAD, the sub-programme also encountered some of the challenges and hindrances faced by its predecessor Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG). It faced budgetary constraints, complexities of the land market such as price restrictions and resistance by land owners to cede land, and so on. Generally, it was found that LRAD tended to entrench race, gender and class disparities in landholding. At Bambanani, I discovered that LRAD has affected beneficiaries differently. The sub-programme has stratified these beneficiaries into competing class factions. Divergent interests have emerged to distort the actual meaning of empowerment. I have labelled this tension a ‘dichotomous factionalism’. The struggle and conflict is caught up between beneficiaries themselves, and their disunity has left the hegemony of the farm’s management unchallenged. I argue that, their empowerment is firstly condemned from within and this internal condemnation limits their negotiating power with the management. Secondly, their empowerment is curtailed by the farm’s management in such as way that it sometimes uses its majority shares to justify unilateral decision making. According to Kabeer, empowerment ought to encompass egalitarian decision making. Respondents have reported this is not always being the case at Bambanani. One group of participants complained about how things have remained the same on the farm despite the acquisition of LRAD shares to co-own the farm. Another group which is mostly comprised by trust members argued that things have changed for the better compared to the period prior to the attainment of these equity shares. In doing so, this group blames the discontent group for the lack of commitment to the project and for being after money over the interest of the project. The discontent group has also complained that the trust is not representing their interests to the management, and whenever they lay complaints there are often threats of expulsion. Apart from the above mentioned conflict of interests amongst Bambanani beneficiaries, positive elements were also discovered where beneficiaries agreed on some areas of dissatisfaction. I have labelled this a Collective Discontent Spectacle. The plight of beneficiaries is caused by the lack of adequate exposure to the business side of the farm’s operation and the lack of delivery on houses which were promised to them by the management as part of the shareholding package. Having considered the Bambanani case and other literature on LRAD, I concluded that LRAD has failed to fulfil empowerment requirements as per Kabeer’s model.

A thorough investigation of legislation involved in the land reform programme was conducted. This includes the Constitution of South Africa, as well as the legal frameworks that manage the land reform process. Many of the unintended results are because of misunderstandings. This study sought to clarify those misunderstandings and confusing language. The South African land reform process was excellently planned. The process is managed in three phases, namely land restitution, land redistribution and land tenure. There are some successes and failures due to the way those programmes were implemented. In order to implement and manage the land reform programmes and spatial planning on national, provincial and district level, the following plans were introduced: National Level: Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy (PLAS) & Area-based Planning Provincial Level: Limpopo Growth and Development Strategy (LGDS) District Level: Mopani Integrated Development Plan Local Level: Greater Tzaneen Municipality Integrated Development Plan & Spatial Development Framework The study area, the Tzaneen Local Municipality, was chosen because it is home to some of the first land reform projects in South Africa, it is the district with some of the highest intensity of land claims and it offers a complete menu of land reform programmes in an advanced state on a small area. The impact that land reform has had on the spatial development in the Tzaneen Local Municipality has been studied in more detail. As the study progressed, it was realised that the impact not only stops at spatial development. The influence was much bigger than that. The local economy was affected, as were job opportunities, tourism, food security, the retail industry and even the mining industry. Such an impact is also not restricted to the Tzaneen Local Municipality. In order to control the land reform process, the government should involve the private sector in the land reform process. The moment this happens, the skills and experience locked in the private sector are transferred to the government for the benefit of all people involved in and influenced by the land reform process. An Integrated Land Reform Action Forum (ILRAF) must be established that manages the land reform process on national, provincial and local level. This ILRAF has to fulfil much the same purpose as the former Joint Monitoring Committees (JMCs) accomplished. The ILRAF must consist of all role-players within the land reform process. These include, national, provincial and local government officials, commercial farmers, key role-players from the private sector, farm worker representatives, Agri-SA, professionals such as town and regional planners and transfer attorneys, farmers? associations, commercial banks and the media to ensure transparency. In order to correct past mistakes and to ensure that the next five years of the land reform process goes off without a hitch, it is important to involve all role-players and ensure transparency throughout all decision-making processes. Key Terms: Land Reform; Agri-village; Area Based Planning; Land Restitution; Land Redistribution; Land Tenure Reform; Greater Tzaneen Municipality; Willing buyer-willing seller; Spatial Development Framework; Integrated Development Plan. / Thesis (M.Art. et Scien. (Town and Regional Planning))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.

A thorough investigation of legislation involved in the land reform programme was conducted. This includes the Constitution of South Africa, as well as the legal frameworks that manage the land reform process. Many of the unintended results are because of misunderstandings. This study sought to clarify those misunderstandings and confusing language. The South African land reform process was excellently planned. The process is managed in three phases, namely land restitution, land redistribution and land tenure. There are some successes and failures due to the way those programmes were implemented. In order to implement and manage the land reform programmes and spatial planning on national, provincial and district level, the following plans were introduced: National Level: Pro-active Land Acquisition Strategy (PLAS) & Area-based Planning Provincial Level: Limpopo Growth and Development Strategy (LGDS) District Level: Mopani Integrated Development Plan Local Level: Greater Tzaneen Municipality Integrated Development Plan & Spatial Development Framework The study area, the Tzaneen Local Municipality, was chosen because it is home to some of the first land reform projects in South Africa, it is the district with some of the highest intensity of land claims and it offers a complete menu of land reform programmes in an advanced state on a small area. The impact that land reform has had on the spatial development in the Tzaneen Local Municipality has been studied in more detail. As the study progressed, it was realised that the impact not only stops at spatial development. The influence was much bigger than that. The local economy was affected, as were job opportunities, tourism, food security, the retail industry and even the mining industry. Such an impact is also not restricted to the Tzaneen Local Municipality. In order to control the land reform process, the government should involve the private sector in the land reform process. The moment this happens, the skills and experience locked in the private sector are transferred to the government for the benefit of all people involved in and influenced by the land reform process. An Integrated Land Reform Action Forum (ILRAF) must be established that manages the land reform process on national, provincial and local level. This ILRAF has to fulfil much the same purpose as the former Joint Monitoring Committees (JMCs) accomplished. The ILRAF must consist of all role-players within the land reform process. These include, national, provincial and local government officials, commercial farmers, key role-players from the private sector, farm worker representatives, Agri-SA, professionals such as town and regional planners and transfer attorneys, farmers? associations, commercial banks and the media to ensure transparency. In order to correct past mistakes and to ensure that the next five years of the land reform process goes off without a hitch, it is important to involve all role-players and ensure transparency throughout all decision-making processes. Key Terms: Land Reform; Agri-village; Area Based Planning; Land Restitution; Land Redistribution; Land Tenure Reform; Greater Tzaneen Municipality; Willing buyer-willing seller; Spatial Development Framework; Integrated Development Plan. / Thesis (M.Art. et Scien. (Town and Regional Planning))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.

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