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No description available.

The thesis presents a historical study of the Enlightenment project for a Science of Man which takes its perspective from the 20th century philosophical 'death of man'. From the contemporary move against humanistic ideals associated already from the 1930's exemplified contrasting interpretations over an Enlightenment Science of Man and its ambitions. In the 1960's Michel Foucault's pivotal approach gave this dispute the perspective of the 'death of man', which this thesis frames in relation to his reading of Kant. This forms a perspective from which to examine Kant's positive ambitions, as Foucault saw them extending beyond Critique. But a second perspective is taken up through what Gilles Deleuze ascribed to an empiricist tradition subjugated under a vitalism. This is indicated by the 'age of Bichat', the French medical tradition which Deleuze contrasted with Foucault's 'rarefied form of positivism'. A genealogical history of the Science of Man frames these as alternative models to a critique of reason, two perspectives derived of the Enlightenment project. The 'age of Bichat' is understood around the French Enlightenment discourse on vitalism modelled on a post-Cartesian concept of the body. This gave the positive ambitions for early 19th century Positivism explored through Saint Simon's 'concept of labour' and August Comte's epistemological critique, intended as substitute for an older Enlightenment model. However, this becomes further complicated by the new positive paradigm of experimental medicine. The effect, during the early Third Republic, was to re-orientate the philosophical perspective on the older project for a Science of Man. This served Henri Bergson's critique of Positivist historical formations, but also the neo-Positive model of Emile Durkheim and the ambition for an autonomous new science that delimits a collective 'order of things'. The dilemma was legitimating vital norms in a modern society. This genealogy situates these as perspectives seen through the 18th century Science of Man from which the vital and the positive remained elements historically resistant to being the determinable object of study.

Laboratory studies of ureolytic nitrification were carried out to determine whether the ability of ammonia oxidisers to hydrolyse urea could explain their persistence and activity in acid soils. Ammonia oxidising bacteria were isolated from a number of acid soils, using previously described and novel techniques, and isolates tested for their ability to hydrolyse urea. None of the 17 isolated strains were found to be ureolytic, nor were they active below pH 7, indicating the persistence of neutrophilic ammonia oxidisers in acidic soils. The failure to isolate ureolytic and acidophilic strains suggested either their absence in these soils or inadequacies with the isolation procedure. Ten strains of ammonia oxidisers, previously isolated by other workers, were also tested for ureolytic activity and two were found to be ureolytic, Nitrosospira sp. (NPAV) and Nitrosospira sp. The growth of Nitrosospira sp. (NPAV) in liquid batch culture was studied in buffered and unbuffered media revealing that, in the presence of urea, growth and activity could be maintained in media with a pH value of 4-7 whereas growth on ammonium sulphate only occurred at or above pH 7. This suggested that ureolytic strains were capable of growth and activity in acidic conditions if urea was present, providing an explanation for the nitrification in acid soils. The oxidation of urea to nitrite by cultures was incomplete and ammonium accumulated. Growth appeared to inhibited at pH 8 in some media suggesting inhibition of growth by urea in these conditions. The growth and activity of Nitrosospira sp. (NPAV) was studied in continuous flow columns at low pH. Activity could be initiated in continuous flow columns by medium containing urea at pH 4 whereas ammonia was only oxidised at or above pH 6 when medium containing ammonium sulphate was supplied. When effluent nitrite production was constant and a steady state had been established, urea was completely hydrolysed by Nitrosospira sp., causing an increase in the pH, indicating the formation of NH3.

The accurate estimation of age is considered important from an ethical, legal and archaeological perspective. Among the numerous methods based on macroscopic skeletal studies for age estimation, the Suchey-Brooks (1990) method for aging from the pubic symphysis and the Buckberry and Chamberlain (2002) method for aging from the auricular surface are considered more reliable. However, both these methods have been derived from American populations. In saying this, the following study aimed to evaluate whether it is possible to accurately estimate the age-at-death from morphological age-related changes seen on the pubic symphysis and the auricular surface in a black South African population. A total of 197 individuals of both sexes utilising both left and right os coxae were investigated. Age was estimated using descriptions stipulated by Brooks and Suchey (1990) and Buckberry and Chamberlain (2002). Both methods indicated moderate to high inter-and intra-observer errors. Descriptive statistics indicated a sample distribution of predominantly middle aged individuals. Correlation coefficients, inaccuracies and bias as well as Principal Components Analysis (PCA) were calculated for both skeletal elements for both sexes and sides. Statistical analyses indicated no significant differences between sexes and sides for both the pubic symphysis and the auricular surface. When comparing accuracies of each method, inaccuracies and bias were lower in the pubic symphysis than in the auricular surface thus making the pubic symphysis a more reliable age estimator. Similarly, males indicated lower inaccuracies and bias than did females. Principal Component Analysis indicated variance between certain features found on the pubic symphysis and the auricular surface. Overall, the pubic symphysis outperformed the auricular surface, even though the method described by Buckberry and Chamberlain (2002) is considered more reliable. Further investigation of these two methods on a white South African

Immunohistochemistry has been used as an aid in the histological diagnosis of salivary gland neoplasms as they often show overlapping histomorphological growth patterns.

This thesis discusses the struggle for independence in Rhodesia, from the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965 to internationally recognised independence in 1980. Whilst there are many existing accounts and discussions of the Rhodesia crisis, there is very little work that considers the role of advocacy organisations and the pressure they exerted on successive Governments and the broader left in Britain, and little consideration of the African nationalist movement outside of Rhodesia or the nationalist bases in neighbouring countries. The thesis builds on existing literature by considering how interest in the Rhodesia issue amongst advocacy organisations and the labour movement in Britain fluctuated over this 15 year period, according to key events in the timeline of the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe. It examines the methods used by advocacy organisations in campaigning on the Rhodesia issue, arguing that they were constrained by pragmatism and adherence to familiar methods of campaigning, as well as a lack of will to break with these methods, one of which was to involve the labour movement and utilise their established networks to publicise the cause. This tactic was met with limited success because, for the majority of the period under consideration, the British labour movement was broadly disengaged with the Rhodesia issue, with other primarily domestic concerns taking precedence, although certain individuals gave ardent support to the cause. The rhetoric of the more middle class led advocacy organisations generally failed to find traction with much of the labour movement. Meanwhile, the African nationalist movement focused its attentions on the British Labour Party in the belief that they were the real power brokers, and maintained a polite relationship with its representatives, whilst espousing a strong anti-British rhetoric back in Rhodesia.

By the mid-1970s, Tanzania had the biggest co-operative movement in Africa and the oldest in East Africa. Despite such achievement, for decades, the literature on Tanzania’s small-scale coffee and cotton cultivation and marketing co-operatives has suffered from a dearth of substantive historical accounts. The available literature is fragmented along various academic disciplines, mostly political science and sociology. In addition, there is no single substantive secondary historical study specifically dedicated to the co-operative movement since the inception in 1932. The neglect is more critical given the current renaissance in Africa and increasing international interest in the co-operative movement at either national or local levels. This thesis seeks to fill this gap by utilising primary sources from the Co-operative College archive in Manchester and Tanzania National Archive (TNA) to examine and evaluate the coffee and cotton marketing co-operatives during the 1932 to 1982 period. The study further explores the interlocking forces and policies that led to its growth and development. The development is also examined against the changing political and ideological influences during the interwar, and post-war to independence periods. This thesis is structured under three cases, two of which are coffee marketing co-operatives, the Kilimanjaro Native Co-operative Union (KNCU) and Bukoba Co-operative Union (BCU) in Kagera; and the cotton apex marketing co-operative in the WCGA, the Victoria Federation of Co-operative Unions (VFCUS) which was formed in 1955. Study findings show that the time gap in the formation of the mentioned co-operatives were due to the colonial authority neglecting its own co-operative development policy. The evidence shows that, the KNCU which was formed in 1933 and BCU in 1950 were both established at the behest of the British colonial government in a move to control the coffee industry. Importantly, the study examines the power relations involved and the government interventions in the process and the extent to which the co-operatives were promoted and controlled by the government through the co-operative and agricultural marketing policies and legislations. This was particularly provided under Section 36 of the 1932 co-operative legislation and was further reinforced by three policies, the 1934 Chagga Rule, the 1937 Native (control and marketing) Ordinance and the Defence Ordinance, Orders of 1939 and 1940; and the African Agricultural Products (Control and Marketing) Ordinance, 1949. The post-colonial authority perpetuated the colonial policies in promoting co-operatives and the control of agricultural export revenues provided under the 1962 by the National Agricultural Products Board (Control and Marketing) Act by intensifying the intervention, effectively strangling and restructuring them to provide for effective control. Again, there was an increased politisation of the movement’s function as they became an integral part of the propagation of the socialist/ujamaa ideology and the national development plan as the 1976 villagisation policy. This study is of the view that the colonial and post-colonial authorities intervened in the formation of co-operatives given the fact that they were economically strategically vital. During the phases covered in this thesis, the established legislations reinforced the government’s control over the co-operative movement and the producers; and granted themselves a monopoly over the handling and export of small-scale produced coffee and cotton through the control of marketing boards by appointing co-operatives as crop handling agents. Thus, the co-operative movement never attained autonomous status as it became part of the government machinery in extracting resources and exploiting small-scale growers.