Dans l’inconscient collectif et la culture nationale, l’image du Second Empire fut longtemps couverte par un voile d’opprobre. La défaite de Sedan, les diatribes de Victor Hugo et le coup d’État se conjuguèrent pour fixer durablement une légende noire. Des travaux historiographiques ont en partie réparé cette image, en montrant la réalité de la mutation libérale durant la décennie 1860 et la particularité de la conception du suffrage universel. Il restait à envisager les conséquences sur l’agent de l’État, en particulier dans son rapport avec l’une des spécificités de l’Empire : la candidature officielle. L’idéologie césarienne consiste à subordonner l’existence de l’Empire à la victoire du candidat recommandé par le Gouvernement lors de chaque élection, locale ou nationale. Le salut impérial requiert donc de placer tous les « fonctionnaires » sous la dépendance de ce candidat. L’opération est facilitée par deux points : d’une part, il n’existe pas de statut protégeant les fonctionnaires ; d’autre part, les libertés publiques sont sévèrement contrôlées. Mais la dépendance ne saurait être absolue. Le rôle de l’État évolue et les agents compétents qui parviennent à se rendre indispensables s’ouvrent un espace d’autonomie. Surtout, la législation électorale promouvant les grands principes modernes relatifs à la liberté des scrutins commence à être appliquée par la jurisprudence du Conseil d’État. L’agent devient donc partagé entre les nécessités inhérentes au soutien du candidat patronné et les obligations légales contrôlées par le Conseil d’État. / The image of the Second Empire was disgraced for a long time in our national culture. Indeed the French defeat at Sedan, Victor Hugo’s diatribes and the Coup combined to firmly corroborate the dark vision of the period. Yet some historical studies have partly restored it by showing the reality of the liberal mutation in the 1860’s and its particular conception of the universal suffrage. Thus it was also important to focus on the consequences on the Civil Servant and more particularly on his link with the official candidacy, which was one of the characteristics of the Empire. The ideology of Napoleon III consisted in subordinating the existence of the Empire to the victory of the candidate recommended by the Government for each local or national election. Therefore all the “civil servants” had to be subservient to the official candidacy. The manoeuvre was facilitated by two things. Indeed there was no status to protect the civil servants and the public liberties were strictly controlled by the Imperial rule. Yet it was not a complete dependence. The role of the State evolved and the competent civil servants who managed to be vital elements progressively became autonomous people. What is more, the electoral legislation, which conveyed great modern principles connected to voting freedom, began to be applied by the case law of the Legislative Body. Hence the civil servant became torn between the innate necessities to endorse the legitimate candidate and the legal obligations controlled by the Legislative Body.

My dissertation focuses on the effect of several variables on two key forms of political participation -- voting and candidacy. First, I examine how voter turnout is impacted by differences in the intensity of political beliefs across the electorate and the resulting impact on candidate issue choice. Next, I examine the role of term limits and political party recruitment policies in determining the quality of the political class. Finally, I examine the impact of term limits at the lower rungs of the political ladder on the quality of individuals seeking higher office. In Chapter 2, I present a modified version of Downs’ spatial model to analyze the effect on candidates’ policy choices when there is a positive relationship between political extremism and conviction. I assume that alienation and lack of conviction affect voter turnout negatively. I find that the positive relationship between political extremism and conviction leads candidates away from the center and describe the conditions under which segments of the electorate will abstain in equilibrium. Incorporating candidate asymmetry through differences in valence and campaign finances resulted in the strategy of the disadvantaged candidate being unrestricted. Meanwhile, the advantaged candidate can afford to be more centrist or extremist than his opponent in order to win the election. In Chapter 3, I present a multi-period model analyzing the impact of political party recruitment and retention policies and the implementation of term limits on the quality of individuals seeking a career in politics. Candidates differ in political skill and their political skill directly affects the provision of a public good. Term limits lead to a restructuring of the timing of rewards for political careers. I find that term limits increase the probability of entry of those of lesser quality. Under certain conditions, term limits reduce the expected ability of those entering the political arena, as those of higher ability are more adversely affected by the restructuring of rewards. In Chapter 4, I explore the extent to which term limits alter the average quality of office-seekers for higher-level political positions. In addition, I determine whether improvement in quality in upper level political positions comes at the expense of lower level positions. The results suggest that term limits on lower level elected offices reduce the expected political skill of officeholders at this level. Under limited circumstances, term limits will also reduce the expected political skill of those seeking upper level political positions. Under most conditions, term limitation at lower level offices lead to an improvement in the quality of elected officials in upper level offices. / text

The goal of the present study was to examine changes in the speech and language performance of patients with chronic, non-fluent aphasia over the course of a three-hour group speech and language treatment session, a time allotment comparable to intensive therapy practices. Nine participants, (three groups of three), with chronic, non-fluent aphasia were seen for a single group therapy session three hours in length. Therapeutic activities were designed to be as similar as possible for each group of participants. Each participant was individually assessed before (time 1), during (time 2), and after (time 3) the group treatment session. Assessments included four verbal tests: function, naming, sentence completion, and repetition, similar to those used with the Porch Index of Communicative Ability (PICA; Porch, 1981). Results indicated that participants performed significantly poorer on two of the four verbal tests (naming and repetition), and on an overall measure of verbal communication on the Time 2 assessment as compared to the Time 1 assessment. Findings have clinical implications for selecting candidates for intensive language therapy regimes.

This thesis examines the justificatory basis of the right to candidacy, otherwise referred to as the right to stand for election, and assesses the implications of characterising political candidacy as a human right. It examines the extent of the right's legal recognition in international, regional and domestic human rights law with specific focus on the jurisprudence of the United States, Canada and the ECtHR. This dissertation then offers a theoretical justification for the existence of a moral right to candidacy in all liberal democracies. This justificatory account highlights how the following values and interests underlie the right to candidacy: dignity (as social recognition of one's equal moral status), autonomy, self-expression and self-development. It further examines the derivative justifications for the right to candidacy by outlining the extent to which it is necessary for the effective exercise of the right to vote, freedom of association and the maintenance of a common liberal culture. The correlative duties to which the right gives rise are also examined. It is argued that the right entails duties to respect, protect and fulfil. The duty to respect imposes a negative obligation on the State to refrain from imposing unjustifiable disqualifications or eligibility requirements for elective office. The duty to protect entails an obligation to safeguard against infringements of the right by political parties in their candidate selection processes. Thirdly, the duty to fulfil involves a positive obligation to organise and administer free and fair elections with a reasonably level playing field in which candidates may compete. This thesis subsequently explores the institutional implementation of these duties and how the values and interests underlying the right should help inform the scope and content of such duties in the jurisdictions specified above.

This thesis deals with the topic of congress tourism, which is perceived as a substantially attractive form of tourism in many destinations. The practical part focuses on the annual congress organized by ICCA - a significant international conference association, that Prague will host in 2017. The aim of this work is to characterize the sector of convention industry with emphasis on the segment of congresses and conferences organized by associations and other non-profit organizations, and subsequently to evaluate the steps the entities participating in preparation and execution of the ICCA prestigious congress have taken so far.

Children with residual hearing have become eligible for consideration as CI candidates in some pediatric programs because of the positive clinical research outcomes of cochlear implant (CI). However, decision-making about CIs for children with residual hearing is difficult for parents because they experience uncertainty when their children show auditory benefits and are developing language through hearing aids (HAs). Clinicians may be uncomfortable recommending CI for these children due to variability in audiometric candidacy criteria in individual clinical practice. However, there is very limited information about the CI decision-making process and needs to assist the parents of these children and practitioners. We conducted a comprehensive study to better understand and support the CI decision-making experiences of families and practitioners. The objectives of our study were to: 1) explore the clinical characteristics and outcomes of children with residual hearing who received CIs, 2) summarize the evidence about the benefits and risks of CIs compared to HAs in children with residual hearing, and 3) explore the decision-making process and needs for children with residual hearing from the perspective of parents and practitioners. This research project combined quantitative and qualitative research designs. A retrospective chart review was conducted to address the first objective. Data on the clinical characteristics of children with residual hearing were extracted from medical charts from a tertiary care pediatric CI center in Ottawa, Canada. A systematic review was performed on the benefits and risks of CIs versus HAs for children with residual hearing to address the second objective. The third objective was addressed through two sub-studies. The first sub-study involved qualitative semi-structured interviews. A total of 12 parents participated in individual interviews. In the second sub-study, 17 practitioners at a pediatric CI center in Ottawa, Canada, and specialized teachers of the deaf and hard of hearing at local school boards were recruited, and four focus groups and one individual interview were conducted. This study showed that a total of 100 of 389 (25.7%) children who received CIs from 1992 to 2018 at the Children's Hospital of Eastern Ontario (CHEO) had residual hearing, representing more than half the children who were implanted in the last two years covered by the study. As documented in our study, overall, children with residual hearing demonstrated benefits in auditory functioning following cochlear implantation. Approximately 70% of these children achieved open-set word perception scores of 80% or more post-CI. In the systematic reviews, a total of 3265 citations were identified, of which eight studies met inclusion criteria. The articles consisted of four moderate and two weak quality pre-post cohort studies and two weak quality cross-sectional studies. The systematic review confirmed that children with CIs showed significantly better speech perception scores than those with HAs. Limited evidence of improvement in auditory performance and non-significant improvement in speech intelligibility was found. Two aspects of social-emotional functioning (hyperactivity/inattention and pro-social behaviour) showed significant improvement with CIs. Our finding also contributes new information about the loss of residual hearing and device use. Four studies provided data on risks following CIs; a total of 16 of 43 (37.2%) children showed loss of residual hearing and 14.0% (8/57) of children had discontinued or limited use of their CI or HA. The qualitative interviews revealed that both parents and practitioners identified child’s everyday functioning as an important factor that influenced their decision-making. It was clear through the qualitative research with parents that they held a strong preference for child’s inclusion into hearing society. Spoken communication was a core value for the parents of these children and some parents expressed high expectations that their children’s hearing would become ‘normal’. We found that practitioners primarily supported parental decision-making by providing information on the practical aspects of the benefits and risks of CIs. Overall parents were satisfied with the decision-making process and decision support from practitioners. However, parents stressed the importance of receiving more personalized information that considered their specific concerns, values and preferences related to their child and family’s circumstances. Practitioners also noted that more research among children with residual hearing is needed to guide parental CI decision-making. To our knowledge, the findings from this dissertation are the first to examine decision-making for children with residual hearing. Our study contributes new information about the characteristics of children receiving CIs, the potential benefits and risks for children with residual hearing, and decision-making needs from the perspectives of families and practitioners. In addition, our research is a useful first step in understanding what families need to make better decisions to assist in the CI decision-making process for this specific population.

No description available.

Notre travail se propose d’analyser selon quelles modalités se mettent en place et évoluent les intégrations élitaires de type thermidorien qui sont à l’oeuvre au Cameroun de 1992 à 2011, au travers des transactions liées à la candidature aux élections présidentielles.En décembre 1990, après 4 décennies d’un régime présidentiel monolithique, des forces d’opposition émergent à l’occasion de la libéralisation de la vie politique, dans l’optique de renverser le pouvoir en place, dans une logique révolutionnaire. Au bout de deux décennies de pluralisme, à défaut d’avoir remplacé le pouvoir en place, certains des membres de la fronde contre le pouvoir sont intégrés dans les instances gouvernementales du régime, occasionnant une révolution thermidorienne. Nous passons en revue les différents éléments (systémiques et conjoncturels) facilitateurs de l’intégration élitaire, au sortir d’une période autoritaire et qui favorisent les intégrations des anciens révolutionnaires dans le centre du pouvoir. Les conditions analysées sont les suivantes en ce qui concerne les éléments systémiques : une structuration élitaire centralisée qui freine la mise en place d’un polycentre, une opposition autonome, un recrutement élitaire décentralisé, le mésocratisme comme coutume du champ politique. Les éléments conjoncturels qui initient l’intégration élitaire postautoritaire, et que nous analysons, sont les suivants : la possession par les élites émergeantes des caractéristiques de la nouvelle donne du jeu politique (référentiels démocratiques), le défaut de cette nouvelle caractéristique chez les élites en position dans le pouvoir central, la capacité chez les élites intermédiaires d’exercer une pression sur le centre du pouvoir, afin de modifier l’agenda politique, et enfin, la possibilité pour les élites en place de mettre à profit les leviers institutionnels dont ils disposent pour rassembler les différentes factions en présence / Our work aims at studying how the thermidorian-type elite integrations witnessed in Cameroon from 1992 to 2011 are set up and evolve, based on transactions linked to the candidacy for presidential elections. In december 1990, after 4 decades of one-party presidential system, opposition forces emerged thanks to the liberalisation of political life in december 1990, with the aim of toppling the powers that be, through a revolutionary move. After two decades of pluralism, some members of the opposition who have not succeeded to replace the people in power are integrated into public bodies of the regime, thus causing a thermidorian revolution. We are reviewing the various elements (system andsituational) facilitating elite integration at the end of an authoritarian period and which foster the integration of former revolutionaries into the centre of power. The following conditions are reviewed, including: a centralised elite structure which hinders the setting up of a polycentre for an independent opposition, a decentralised elite recruitment, mesocratism as a practice in the political field. Situational elements which promote the integration of post-authoritarian elite and that we are analysing are the following :emerging elite possess the characteristics of the new order of political game (democraticreferences), elite in the central power lack of this new characteristics, intermediary elite are able to mount pressure on the central power to change the political agenda, and lastly, the elite in power can use institutional levers at their disposal to bring the various existing factions together

Learning Objectives: (1) Summarize current FDA guidelines for cochlear implantation candidacy for pediatric and adults with hearing loss (2) Describe the components and unique function of a cochlear implant (3) List medical assessments (imaging, blood analysis, etc) for potential cochlear implant candidates (4) Discuss the multidisciplinary nature of Auditory Rehabilitation following cochlear implantation

Cette thèse met en évidence la relation complexe entre l'AK Parti et l'UE, acteur important dans le cadre de la politique extérieure turque mais aussi dans l'existence même de l'AK Parti. Ce parti est arrivé au pouvoir en 2002 juste après sa création en 2001. Depuis lors, l'AK Parti a consolidé sa place et il est ainsi devenu sans conteste l'un des partis les plus importants et les plus forts de l'histoire de la vie politique turque. D'ailleurs, la politique européenne de la Turquie est un sujet qui attire toujours autant l'attention, et cela même à l'heure actuelle où elle n'est plus considérée comme l'axe central privilégié dans la politique extérieure turque et n'existe plus comme auparavant dans l'agenda de l'AK Parti. En effet, comme les négociations avec l'UE ont été entamées avec l'AK Parti, ce sujet retient beaucoup plus l'attention et est devenu un sujet intéressant à analyser car les dirigeants de l'AK Parti viennent de la tradition de la Vision Nationale. En faisant une lecture du parti et, plus précisément, du positionnement de ce dernier envers l'UE, nous avons cherché à comprendre la signification de l'UE et le rôle qu'elle a joué et qu'elle joue encore dans la vie du parti. En conduisant tout d'abord une comparaison entre les politiques européennes de l'AK Parti et celles des partis politiques de la Vision Nationale, notre objectif est de comprendre le positionnement de l'AK Parti dans le système politique turc. Puis, en analysant la vision de l'AK Parti vis-à-vis de l'UE durant les processus électoraux et les référendums, nous avons pu voir l'évolution des politiques européennes de l'AK Parti lors de chaque période électorale et également le niveau d'évolution de l'interaction entre les deux parties. Parallèlement, nous avons essayé de comprendre quelle place détient l'UE parmi les politiques étrangères de ce parti. Même si les politiques européennes ont été, comme pour toute l'histoire politique turque, un élément stable pour l'AK Parti, leur importance ou leur intensité a évolué avec le temps. Par conséquent, pour notre étude, nous avons considéré l'UE comme un acteur invariable, les élections et le temps comme des éléments variables. Cette recherche doctorale vise donc à démontrer le positionnement de l'AK Parti par rapport à l'UE et l'évolution de l'importance de l'UE pour ce dernier depuis sa création en 2001 et à analyser l'AK Parti via ses politiques européennes. / This thesis highlights the complex relationship between the AK Party and the EU, a major player which shapes Turkey's foreign policy and also ensures existence of the AK Party. The party came to power in 2002 just after its establishment in 2001. Since then, the AK Party has consolidated its position and of no doubt has become one of the biggest and the strongest parties in the history of Turkish politics. On the other hand the European policy of Turkey is a subject that still attracts considerable attention, even at the moment when it is no longer considered as privileged central axis of Turkish foreign policy and do not exists as before in the agenda of the AK Party. Indeed, since the negotiations with the EU have been initiated with the AK Party, this subject attracts much more attention and has become an interesting topic to analyze because the leaders of the AK Party came from the tradition of the `National Vision`. By reading of the party and more specifically by analyzing its EU policy, we sought to understand the meaning of the EU and the role it has played and still plays in the existence of the party. By conducting first a comparison between European policies of the political parties of the National Vision and the AK Party, our goal is to understand the positioning of the AK Party in the Turkish political system. Then, by analyzing the EU vision of the party during elections and referendums, we have noted the evolution of European policies of the party during each of those election periods and also the evolution of the level of interaction between two parties. Meanwhile, we tried to understand role of the EU within the scope of the foreign policies of the party. Even though the European policies were considered to be stable elements for the AK Party and Turkish political history, their importance and or intensity has evolved over time. For our study, we decided the EU as an invariable actor, and elections as well as time as variable elements. Therefore, this doctoral dissertation aims to show the position of the AK Party vis à vis the EU, the evolution of the importance of the EU for the latter since its creation in 2001 and lastly to analyze the European policies of the AK Party.