Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Waldeir Moreno Rosa.pdf: 2153826 bytes, checksum: f34031edf768e9fa5cdc0f7ad2902933 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This master's thesis analyzes the role of Antonio Delfim Netto in the various dimensions of political and economic power of bourgeois hegemony in the sixties and seventies. Initially, focuses on the historical period in which members of the Brazilian owning class associated with international capital, before compose the Bonapartist dictatorship established in 1964, have conspired against the constitutionally elected president, João Goulart, especially if extended into the Ipês complex (Institute of Economic and Social Research). Looks up at that first moment, on the class content of the article Problems of Brazilian economic development, especially prepared by the Dauphin to ipesiana magazine Convivium. In a second chapter, attentive to the participation of the economist at the National Association of Economic and Social Planning (ANPES), created by the conspirators to March 31, 1964, as a business front to influence the new business of the military dictatorship. Analyzes there, too, the book Planning for Economic Development of the then Secretary of the São Paulo State Finance. In the third chapter, after the so-called "coup within the coup", with the laying of the Bonapartist hardline and his dictatorial closing, we investigate the ideological reasons for the meteoric rise of the economist in the Ministry of Finance of the "years of lead" that is under Costa e Silva and Emilio Garrastazu Medici (1967-1974). At this point, enumerate up their participation in the "box" of Oban (Operation Bandeirante) and his vote in favor of the Institutional Act No. 5 in the National Security Council. Are analyzed, there, the official speeches the Minister considered the Czar Bonapartist political economy in his "years of lead", seeking to associate them with the practices of Delfim Netto attitudes and thus demonstrating the social function in the context of those years exercised by delfiniano ideological complex. That is, it is understood here delfiniana ideology in its social determination and particular historical context, deciphering the internal connection inherent to his autocratic bourgeois ideology, as well as explaining the effective function that fulfilled, in practice, the ideology of Brazilian economist. In view of Marx, with the advanced contributions by Chasin about Brazilian historical formation, has taken into account in the study of Delfim Netto, which is always "the man, the real, living man who does this, has it all and decides these combats; is not the story, you can be sure that, using man as a means to carry out - as if it were a person apart - their own ends; it is only the activity of the man who goes in search of himself. " Therefore, with all documentation found in newspapers, magazines, historiographical works, official speeches and events produced in the historical period under study, it remains more than proven the participation of Delfim Netto in class conspiracy, in the coup and the subsequent service who provided the political and economic reorganization of last Bonapartist dictatorship. Unfortunately, even today, however, its influence has continued, knowing the ideologue build for posterity one self-image of technocrat "neutral", supposedly the party or dissociated from all stratagems of state terrorism mounted in this country for the benefit of bourgeois autocracy atrophic capital. Its repeated denial before the crimes of the military dictatorship, registered in testimony to the Truth Commission of the City of 7 São Paulo, however, continues to separate and disassociate from manipulative way, made by Delfim Netto said about him by himself ideologue / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa a atuação de Antonio Delfim Netto nas várias dimensões do poder político e econômico da hegemonia burguesa nas décadas de sessenta e setenta. Inicialmente, centra-se no período histórico em que membros da classe proprietária brasileira associada ao capital internacional, antes de comporem a ditadura bonapartista instituída em 1964, já conspiravam contra o presidente constitucionalmente eleito, João Goulart, em especial se articulados no complexo Ipês (Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas e Sociais). Debruçamo-nos, nesse primeiro momento, sobre o teor classista do artigo Problemas do desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro, especialmente elaborado por Delfim para a revista ipesiana (Ipês) Convivium. Em um segundo capítulo, atenta-se para a participação do economista na Associação Nacional de Planejamento Econômico e Social (ANPES), criada pelos conspiradores a 31 de março de 1964, como uma frente empresarial para influir nos novos negócios da ditadura militar. Analisa-se aí, também, o livro Planejamento para o Desenvolvimento Econômico do então Secretário da Fazenda do Estado de São Paulo. No capítulo terceiro, depois do chamado golpe dentro do golpe , com a imposição da linha-dura bonapartista e seu fechamento ditatorial, investigam-se os motivos ideológicos da meteórica ascensão do economista no Ministério da Fazenda dos anos de chumbo , isto é, sob Costa e Silva e Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1967-1974). Nesse ponto, enumeram-se sua participação na caixinha da Oban (Operação Bandeirante) e seu voto a favor do Ato Institucional n.º 5 no Conselho de Segurança Nacional. Analisam-se, ali, os discursos oficiais do ministro tido como o czar da economia política bonapartista em seus anos de chumbo , buscando associá-los às atitudes práticas de Delfim Netto e, assim, demostrando a função social no contexto daqueles anos exercido pelo complexo ideológico delfiniano. Ou seja, compreende-se aqui a ideologia delfiniana em sua determinação social e contexto histórico particulares, decifrando a conexão interna inerente a seu ideário autocrático-burguês, bem como explicando a função efetiva que cumpriu, na práxis, a ideologia do economista brasileiro. Na perspectiva de Marx, com as contribuições avançadas por Chasin a respeito da formação histórica brasileira, tem-se em conta, no estudo de Delfim Netto, que é sempre o homem, o homem real e vivo, quem faz isso, possui tudo isso e decide esses combates; não é a história, podem estar certos disso, que usa o homem como meio para realizar como se ela fosse uma pessoa à parte seus próprios fins; ela é apenas a atividade do homem que vai em busca dele mesmo . Diante disso, com toda documentação encontrada em jornais, revistas, trabalhos historiográficos, discursos oficiais e outras manifestações produzidas no período histórico sob estudo, resta mais do que comprovada à participação de Delfim Netto na conspiração de classe, no golpe de Estado e no serviço subsequente que prestou ao reordenamento político-econômico da última ditadura bonapartista. Infelizmente, ainda hoje, porém, sua influência não cessou, sabendo o ideólogo construir para a posteridade uma autoimagem de tecnocrata neutro , supostamente, à parte ou dissociada de todos os estratagemas 5 do terrorismo de Estado montado neste país, em benefício da autocracia burguesa do capital atrófico. Seu reiterado negacionismo diante dos crimes da ditadura militar, registrado em depoimento à Comissão da Verdade da Câmara Municipal de São Paulo, entretanto, continua a separar e dissociar, de forma manipulatória, o feito por Delfim Netto do dito sobre si pelo próprio ideólogo

Dans l’inconscient collectif et la culture nationale, l’image du Second Empire fut longtemps couverte par un voile d’opprobre. La défaite de Sedan, les diatribes de Victor Hugo et le coup d’État se conjuguèrent pour fixer durablement une légende noire. Des travaux historiographiques ont en partie réparé cette image, en montrant la réalité de la mutation libérale durant la décennie 1860 et la particularité de la conception du suffrage universel. Il restait à envisager les conséquences sur l’agent de l’État, en particulier dans son rapport avec l’une des spécificités de l’Empire : la candidature officielle. L’idéologie césarienne consiste à subordonner l’existence de l’Empire à la victoire du candidat recommandé par le Gouvernement lors de chaque élection, locale ou nationale. Le salut impérial requiert donc de placer tous les « fonctionnaires » sous la dépendance de ce candidat. L’opération est facilitée par deux points : d’une part, il n’existe pas de statut protégeant les fonctionnaires ; d’autre part, les libertés publiques sont sévèrement contrôlées. Mais la dépendance ne saurait être absolue. Le rôle de l’État évolue et les agents compétents qui parviennent à se rendre indispensables s’ouvrent un espace d’autonomie. Surtout, la législation électorale promouvant les grands principes modernes relatifs à la liberté des scrutins commence à être appliquée par la jurisprudence du Conseil d’État. L’agent devient donc partagé entre les nécessités inhérentes au soutien du candidat patronné et les obligations légales contrôlées par le Conseil d’État. / The image of the Second Empire was disgraced for a long time in our national culture. Indeed the French defeat at Sedan, Victor Hugo’s diatribes and the Coup combined to firmly corroborate the dark vision of the period. Yet some historical studies have partly restored it by showing the reality of the liberal mutation in the 1860’s and its particular conception of the universal suffrage. Thus it was also important to focus on the consequences on the Civil Servant and more particularly on his link with the official candidacy, which was one of the characteristics of the Empire. The ideology of Napoleon III consisted in subordinating the existence of the Empire to the victory of the candidate recommended by the Government for each local or national election. Therefore all the “civil servants” had to be subservient to the official candidacy. The manoeuvre was facilitated by two things. Indeed there was no status to protect the civil servants and the public liberties were strictly controlled by the Imperial rule. Yet it was not a complete dependence. The role of the State evolved and the competent civil servants who managed to be vital elements progressively became autonomous people. What is more, the electoral legislation, which conveyed great modern principles connected to voting freedom, began to be applied by the case law of the Legislative Body. Hence the civil servant became torn between the innate necessities to endorse the legitimate candidate and the legal obligations controlled by the Legislative Body.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-08-08T14:09:08Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-08-08T14:10:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T14:10:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-08-07 / PROQUALI (UFJF) / A presente tese tem por objetivo defender a existência de elementos bonapartistas na história constitucional brasileira, em especial de 1822 a 1945, período marcado por constantes processos autoritários de des-emancipação do sufrágio universal e da neutralização do potencial transformador da democracia, ocasionados por determinadas formas de organização do poder, assim como pela restrição à participação política do povo. Considerável parte da doutrina constitucional brasileira, ao analisar o processo de constitucionalização brasileiro sem uma reflexão historiográfica crítica, não percebeu a tensão constitutiva existente entre o processo de constitucionalização e a democracia. As análises realizadas incorrem em equívocos, como o de defender um sentido imanente à história constitucional brasileira, com base no fracasso dos projetos constitucionais ou na não correspondência entre o texto constitucional e seu contexto social e político, negando o sentido mais marcante e essencial do conceito de Constituição, que é ser o processo de autoconstituição política, jurídica e social de um povo. Ao encobrir a tensão constitutiva entre Constituição e democracia, texto e contexto constitucionais, as análises clássicas da história constitucional brasileira não perceberam e até mesmo alimentaram o risco da ação do bonapartismo, entendido na presente tese como a negação deste processo de avanço na conquista de novos direitos e na consolidação da democracia. O bonapartismo é a expressão de um fenômeno autoritário presente a partir da Modernidade, em que uma estrutura centralizadora de poder político, que se afirma democrática, popular e defensora os direitos do povo, na realidade implementa um processo de des-emancipação político-social. Esse fenômeno ocorreu quando da realização dos trabalhos da Constituinte de 1823 e da instituição do Poder Moderador, com a proclamação da República em 1891 e a política dos governadores, atingindo seu ápice durante a Era Vargas e a ditadura presidencial. / This thesis aims to defend that Bonapartist elements were present in Brazilian constitutional history, especially from 1822 to 1945, a period marked by constant authoritarian processes of de-emancipation of universal suffrage and neutralizing the transformative potential of democracy, caused by certain forms organization of power, as well as the restriction on political participation of the people. Considerable part of the brazilian constitutional thinkers analyzing the brazilian constitutional process without a historiographical critical reflection did not notice the existing constitutive tension between the process of writing a constitution and democracy. Existing analyzes incur misconceptions as to uphold a immanent sense in Brazilian constitutional history based on failure of the constitutional project or mismatch between the constitutional text and its social and political context, denying the most outstanding and essential meaning of the concept of constitution that is to be the process of political self-constitution, legal and social development of a people. To cover up the constitutive tension between constitution and democracy, text and constitutional context, the classical analyzes of the Brazilian constitutional history, not realized and fueled the risk of Bonapartism action, understood in this thesis as the denial of this breakthrough process to conquist new rights and the consolidation of democracy. The Bonapartism is the expression of an authoritarian phenomenon present from Modernity, in which a centralized structure of political power that is stated as democratic, popular and defending the rights of the people, actually implement a process of political and social dis-empowerment. This phenomenon occurred when the realization of the Works of constituent assembly of 1823 and later with the use of the institution of the moderating power, also occurs in the proclamation of the Republic in 1891 and his oligarchic government, reaching its peak during the Vargas Era and the presidential dictatorship.

Cette thèse se propose d'étudier, à travers le cycle charismatique et à partir d'une comparaison avec le nassérisme, la relation que le charisme entretient avec la construction étatique. La première étape du cycle concerne la période pré-charismatique. Elle correspond à une crise aiguë de l'Etat patrimonial qui débouche en définitive sur la question de la souveraineté à partir de laquelle se révéleront les qualités charismatiques du leader. La carrière charismatique, quant à elle, est étroitement associée à l'attestation charismatique. La situation exceptionnelle permet d'asseoir la volonté populaire grâce à un leader charismatique mandaté par la nation pour mener le pays à l'indépendance. La révolution par le haut amorce une rupture qui permet à la fois le passage de l'empire à la république et le transfert du pouvoir en faveur d'une nouvelle oligarchie composée de bureaucrates et d'officiers militaires. Le passage à une situation autoritaire se traduit par l'emprise d'un Etat tutélaire prenant en charge la modernisation de la société et suivant une socialisation conservatrice sur le plan politique. Enfin la période post-charismatique est associée au processus de routinisation du charisme, étape à travers laquelle prend forme l'institutionnalisation de l'Etat. Au cours de cette étape, le passage du pluralisme limité à un pluralisme élargi n'a pas entamé l'ombre tutélaire qu'exerce Atatürk sur le système politique turc. Si les prétoriens ont renoncé à l'exercice direct du pouvoir et si le parti républicain a perdu de son hégémonie, l'héritage kémaliste est suffisamment prégnant pour structurer un espace politique qui s'ouvre de plus en plus à la société civile. / This thesis will explore, through the charismatic cycle and by a comparison with Nasserism, the relationship between the charisma and the maintain of the state-building. The first step of the cycle is the pre-charismatic period. It concerns an acute crisis of the patrimonial state that ultimately leads to the question of sovereignty, revealing in turn the charismatic qualities of the leader. The charismatic career, meanwhile, is closely associated with the charismatic assertion. The exceptional situation allows establishing the popular will through a charismatic leader appointed by the nation to lead the country to independence. The revolution from above suggests both the passage from the empire to the republic and the transfer of power in favor of a new oligarchy of bureaucrats and military officers. The transition to an authoritarian situation leads to the tutelary state dominance supporting the modernization of society and pursueing conservative socialization on the political level. Finally, the post-charismatic period is associated with the routinization of charisma, the step in which the institutionalization of the state is shaped. During this step, the passage from limited pluralism to a greater pluralism has not initiated the tutelary shadow that Atatürk exerted on the Turkish political system. If the Praetorians have renounced the direct exercise of power and if the Republican Party has lost its hegemony, the Kemalist legacy is sufficiently strong to structure a political space that opens increasingly to civil society.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Ramos Musetti.pdf: 1886097 bytes, checksum: 67dc5020ad380f49dca27aaf286c4fd5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation investigates the way Karl Marx develops the relationship between political revolution and social revolution, in the 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, seeking to highlight the importance of historical rise and decadence of the bourgeoisie to the elucidation of the limits of politics. Intends to seize the internal nexus of studied written, explaining the genesis of the categorial complex that integrates the physiognomy of the Marxian reflection. Thus, the first two chapters of the dissertation are dedicated to analytical understanding of the formative period of Marx's thought, which outlines the new ontological position achieved by the author through the critics of politics, speculative philosophy and political economy. Highlighting the main aspects of Marxian analysis of social being, the third chapter seeks to demonstrate the way in which The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte enriches Marx s critics of politics, when addressing the loss of illusions around the bourgeois Republic and the movement in which the State completes its process of constitution, assuming the Bonapartist form. It is shown how the investigated text makes explicit the indissoluble link between civil society and political State, both finding in capital the common denominator and structuring principle. The dissertation, therefore, turns to the negative conception Marx s work, seeking to observe the role of the modern State in managing the order of capital and conserving the bourgeois ideology / A presente dissertação investiga o modo como Karl Marx desenvolve a relação entre revolução política e revolução social, na obra O 18 de brumário de Luís Bonaparte, procurando destacar a importância do processo de ascensão e decadência da burguesia para a elucidação dos limites da politicidade. Busca apreender os nexos internos do escrito estudado, explicitando a gênese do complexo categorial que integra a fisionomia da reflexão marxiana. Assim, os dois primeiros capítulos da dissertação são dedicados à compreensão analítica do período de formação do pensamento de Marx, a partir do qual se delineia a nova posição ontológica alcançada pelo Autor através de críticas à política, à filosofia especulativa e à economia política. Destacando os principais traços da análise marxiana do ser social, o terceiro capítulo procura mostrar o modo pelo qual a obra O 18 de brumário de Luís Bonaparte enriquece a crítica de Marx à política, ao abordar a perda das ilusões em torno da república burguesa e o movimento pelo qual o Estado completa o seu processo de constituição ao assumir a forma bonapartista. Mostra-se ainda como o texto investigado explicita, historicamente, o vínculo indissociável entre sociedade civil-burguesa e Estado político, ambos tendo o capital como denominador comum e princípio estruturante. A dissertação, desse modo, atenta para a concepção negativa da política na obra de Marx, procurando observar o papel do Estado moderno no gerenciamento da ordem do capital e na conservação da ideologia burguesa

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jeu_Daitch_de_Castilho.pdf: 1673052 bytes, checksum: 0af87617edbfc4c9fc285776ea3601d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-16 / The objective of this dissertation is to address the interpretation of the first cycle performed by the peronist Argentine intellectuals Silvio Frondizi (1907-1974) and Milcíades Peña (1933-1965). Therefore, it is possible to think them as templates in the Gramscian organic intellectuals linked to the Argentine working class. Data sources consisted of the main books in which they interpret Peronism (La realidad argentina; Masas, caudillos y elites) were used. Well as articles, pamphlets and newsletters published by various left-wing groups in the 1950s The discussion initially presents an analysis intellectual trajectory of militants with emphasis on the major personal events in the ten years of classical peronism (1945-1955), time to maturity under the ideological marxist standpoint. Also noteworthy is the historical changes that were felt in various leftist groups from Argentina, a process known as reconfiguration of the left . In the clash with these groups and intellectuals was that the interpretation of peronism occurred. The Argentine intelligentsia of that period is understood as an arena in which different groups compete for the interpretation of peronism. Frondizi and Peña converge to a revolutionary alternative that characterized the system of peronism as a Bonapartist government type. Given these characteristics the survey sought to discuss the thought Frondizi and Peña and social power of ideas that both proposed / O objetivo dessa dissertação é abordar a interpretação do primeiro ciclo peronista realizado pelos intelectuais argentinos Sílvio Frondizi (1907-1974) e Milcíades Peña (1933-1965). Para tanto, é possível pensá-los, nos termos de Antonio Gramsci, como intelectuais orgânicos, vinculados a classe trabalhadora argentina. Como fontes de pesquisa foram utilizados os principais livros nos quais eles interpretam o peronismo (La realidad argentina; Masas, caudillos y elites) além de artigos, panfletos e informativos publicados pelos variados grupos de esquerda na década de 1950. A discussão inicialmente apresenta uma análise da trajetória intelectual dos militantes com ênfase para os principais acontecimentos pessoais nos dez anos do peronismo clássico (1945-1955), momento de maturação ideológica sob a ótica marxista. Destaca-se também as transformações históricas que se fizeram sentir nos variados agrupamentos de esquerda da Argentina, processo conhecido como reconfiguração das esquerdas . No embate com esses grupos e intelectuais foi que ocorreu a interpretação do peronismo. A intelectualidade argentina desse período é entendida como uma arena em que os variados grupos disputam a construção do peronismo. Frondizi e Peña convergem para uma alternativa revolucionária que caracterizava a aparelhagem do justicialismo como um governo de tipo bonapartista. Dada essas características a pesquisa buscou discutir o pensamento de Frondizi e Peña e a força social das ideias que ambos propuseram

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Silva Santos.pdf: 5113794 bytes, checksum: 01ad2163f0b4290d6688fb581c9ae4d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The goal of this master s degree dissertation is to analyze the possibilities and particularities of the workers organization facing the political domination of established traditional groups in Jataí, a city located in the southwest of Goiás, during the 70 s and 80 s. During this period, the concept of development was attached to the Idea of progress. The conservative modernization process attempted by the supervisors of the region s atrophic capital enabled the local bourgeoisie not only to dominate the government structures, but also provided the control over the workers organizations demonstrations right from the beginning of the power alternation. This situation happened in a bourgeoisie autocracy with a bonapartist aspect in its democratic transition phase. We tried to establish the connections between the logic of accelerated development, that is a true characteristic of the capitalism in its monopolist phase, and the influence of this situation in the development of the labour union and the Workers Party in the southwest of Goiás by applying a methodological approach of an immanent analysis proposal of the economy, politics, social and cultural relations of this region / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as possibilidades e particularidades da organização dos trabalhadores na cidade de Jataí, região sudoeste do Estado de Goiás, entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980, diante do domínio político dos grupos tradicionalmente estabelecidos, em um período em que o ideal de desenvolvimento era entendido como sinônimo de progresso. O processo de modernização conservadora, empreendido pelos gestores do capital atrófico nessa região, sob a lógica de mecanismos ideológicos, garantiu à burguesia local não apenas a dominação do aparelho estatal, mas também possibilitou o controle das manifestações das organizações de representação dos trabalhadores, a partir do advento da alternância do poder, em um Estado autocrático burguês de feição bonapartista em sua fase de transição democrática. É através da aproximação metodológica de uma proposta de análise imanente das categorias particulares da economia, da política, das relações sociais e culturais inerentes a essa região, que buscamos estabelecer as conexões entre a lógica do desenvolvimento acelerado - próprias ao capitalismo em sua fase monopolista - e a sua influência no desenvolvimento dos sindicatos e do Partido dos Trabalhadores no sudoeste goiano

Oscar Bardi de Fourtou est entré dans l’histoire de la vie politique française comme l’Homme du Seize-Mai, ministre de l’Intérieur à poigne, qui ne laisse pas de place à la contestation de ses décisions que l’urgence d’une crise commande. Chargé par le maréchal de Mac-Mahon de mener une lutte contre les républicains, il procède à d’importants mouvements de fonctionnaires afin que l’action gouvernementale soit soutenue localement par des agents fidèles et dévoués. Avec la dissolution de la Chambre des députés en juin 1877, il est chargé de préparer les élections législatives et empêcher les républicains de les gagner. Tous les moyens légaux sont utilisés mais soumis à la pression des différentes composantes de l’alliance conservatrice qui soutiennent l’initiative présidentielle. L’échec électoral provoque la responsabilité évidente d’un ministre trop exposé pendant la crise. Cette condamnation des vainqueurs est aussi perceptible dans les rangs de la droite conservatrice, déçue que Fourtou n’ait pris de résolutions plus radicales. Sa carrière politique est fulgurante. Avocat au barreau de Ribérac, puis maire de la ville, il est élu député de la Dordogne à trente-six ans en février 1871. Inscrit au centre-droit, il se fait remarquer par Thiers qui le nomme ministre des Travaux Publics. Après la chute du président de la République, il se rapproche de la droite dynastique et obtient la confiance de Mac-Mahon qui lui confie le ministère de l’Instruction publique, des Cultes et des Beaux-Arts. Il incarne alors une expression autoritaire du pouvoir qui est en partie la raison de sa nomination place Beauvau en juin 1874 et à nouveau en mai 1877. Parallèlement à cette carrière ministérielle, il poursuit son ancrage local (président de comice agricole, conseiller général) et devient administrateur de la Compagnie de chemin de fer d’Orléans. Fourtou est alors l’une des figures importantes de la droite conservatrice, proche de l’Elysée. Après le Seize-Mai, il poursuit sa carrière politique, malgré la flétrissure et l’invalidation de son élection qui le conduit à se représenter immédiatement et obtenir la confiance de la population. Devenu sénateur, il continue la lutte contre les réformes des opportunistes mais échoue aux différents scrutins nationaux de 1885. A la faveur du boulangisme, il redevient député en 1889 mais propose de jouer la carte de l’apaisement, signe d’une évolution idéologique de l’homme politique. Parlementaire au parcours singulier, il représente, avec d’autres, les interrogations et la recherche identitaire d’une droite française en pleine transformation dans les premières années de la Troisième République. La postérité ne retient, finalement, que la légende noire de l’ancien ministre de l’Intérieur du Seize-Mai. / Oscar Bardi de Fourtou is involved in french political life as the Man of the Seize-Mai, the Home minister with a very special manner leading with authority and his decisions don’t accept any protest. Commissioned by the marechal Mac-Mahon to lead the fight against republicans, he organized a lot of changes inside the civil servant corps, to help the government restore its power in local position. With the dissolution of the Parliament, he had to prepare the next legislative elections in October 1877 to prevent the victory of republicans. All the legal means were used but under the political pressure of the different components of the Conservative forces which maintain the President policy. The electoral failure of the Conservative forces involved the political responsibility of the former Home minister. His bad reputation came from the winner and also in the Conservative camp, disappointed by his attitude during the crisis not taking strong solutions to resolve it. His political career is lightning. As a lawyer in Riberac, and mayor of his home town, he was elected as Member of Parliament on February 1871. Registered as a member of Right Center, he was chosen by Thiers to be the new Public Work of his government. After the of the President, he was closer to the dynastic Right, and got confidence of the new President Mac-Mahon who decided to give him the Public Education ministry. Therefore, Fourtou represents the authoritarian position of one part of the Conservatives and that’s the reason he changed to the Home ministry in June 1874 and of course, in May 1877.At the same time, he continues his local work and became the Orleans railways Company manager. One of the most important politicians of the French Right, he was closely linked to the Elysee palace. After the Seize-Mai, he carried on his political business, despite the stigmatization of the Parliament, and his invalidation, he was elected again. As senator, he fought against the opportunist reforms but didn’t succeed in the different national elections in 1885. Thanks to the Boulanger crisis, he again became a Member of Parliament in 1889 but wants to promote appeasement, as underlined in evidence in his ideological evolution. As a singular Member of Parliament, he represented a new position, with other colleagues, into the Right movement., especially the search for a new French Right identity during important changes in the first years of the Third Republic. In front of the posterity, with hindsight, he remains a dark legend as the Home minister of the Seize-Mai.

Il a été démontré que l’Antiquité gréco-romaine avait eu une très forte influence sur le discours et la pratique de la Révolution. Il est donc apparu intéressant d’étudier la présence et l’impact des Antiquités (y compris celtique et germanique) dans les débats politiques et, plus particulièrement, constitutionnels au XIXe siècle afin de vérifier la véracité de la position couramment admise selon laquelle l’Antiquité aurait été presque totalement absente. La France a connu, avant l’époque contemporaine, une succession de renaissances de l’Antiquité. Aussi, celle du XIXe siècle a-t-elle constitué une nouvelle illustration de cet éternel recommencement ou a-t-elle incarné le début d’un épuisement ? En s’appuyant sur un plan chrono-thématique couvrant la période allant de 1814 à 1875, la présente analyse combine histoires des idées et des institutions. Comment l’invocation de l’Antiquité dans les débats constitutionnels et les argumentaires politiques a-t-elle influé sur l’évolution des régimes et la transformation des institutions de la France au XIXe siècle ? Dès la Restauration, l’Antiquité gréco-romaine a effectivement connu un recul idéologique par rapport à la période précédente ; cependant, ce reflux ne fut que relatif (les humanités restaient dans la culture commune) et, pour le moins, ambivalent (car des modèles antiques comme celui du régime mixte attiraient). Cela a toutefois conduit, dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, à une neutralisation scientifique de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine : son intérêt et sa valeur furent comme subjectivisés en raison de la volonté de construire un roman national (en opposition à l’Allemagne) et un avenir politique fondé sur des principes résolument modernes (contractualisme, républicanisme, parlementarisme…). / It has been shown that the Greco-Roman antiquity had a very strong influence over the political discourse during the French Revolution. Thus, it seemed interesting to study the political debates of the XIXth and more specifically the constitutional debates, in order to validate or on the contrary to invalidate the commonly accepted view under which the antiquity would have had barely any influence during the XIXth century. Before modern times France experienced numerous revivals of Antiquity, also the question was to find out if there was another revival of the Antiquity under the XIXth century and if this revival was the beginning of something new or the swan song of the influence of the Antiquity. The present analyses propose to understand through a both chronological and thematic study, covering the period from 1814 to 1875, and by combining history of political ideas and history of the institutions, if the Antiquity had an influence on the political debates and the construction of the political models of the XIXth century. Indeed, as early as the first restoration the influence of antiquity already declined as compared to the previous period, but this backflow is in fact limited (the humanities remained in common culture) and also ambivalent (since an antic model such as the hybrid presidential-parliamentary-judicial interested the politicians). However, this led in the second half of the nineteenth century to a scientific neutralization of the Greco-Roman antiquity : its interest and value were put in perspective, because of the desire of the men of the XIXth century to write a national novel (in opposition to Germany), but also because they wanted a new political order based on some modern principles such as Contractualism, Republicanism and Parliamentarianism.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valdemar Gomes de Souza Junior.pdf: 490610 bytes, checksum: 43c6d4b878c22488c3460164173c8809 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-09 / Fundação Ford / This work intends to contribute in the analysis of the paper of the press in the military blow of 1964. The brazilian historiography that produced a variety of research on the Military Blow of 1964, has a shortage of studies on the role of the press in the articulation of the coup. Despite the historiography recognize the importance of media activity in the conspiracy, which ensured unity within the rebel group and the support of the middle classes, it is only from the 1990 that began to appear scholarly works on media and the military coup. But still remains a subject little explored. In order to understand a little better the relationship between the press and the coup, chose the editorial of Folha de S. Paulo, produced between january 1963 and april 1964, as a source document for our study. This period follows the duration of the Goulart government under the presidential system and ends in the first month of the military dictatorship. The main objective of the research is to establish the connections between the constituent newspaper and the social forces that, under the tip of the bayonet, ended with a legitimately constituted government and at the same time recover the social function that the journal fulfilled. Far from recognizing the newspaper as a tool to verify facts and provide subsidies to interpretation, deep inside the newspaper to understand it as a producer of ideology and diffuser of a particular vision of the world. The research shows that the Folha de S. Paulo to adopt a responsible position in the editorial that the government Goulart, for its inability administration, the infiltration of communism in Brazil and the political crisis of the period, give legitimacy to military intervention, the coup brother / Este trabalho pretende contribuir na análise do papel da imprensa no golpe militar de 1964. Já que a historiografia brasileira, que produziu uma variedade de pesquisas a respeito do Golpe Militar de 1964, possui uma escassez de estudos sobre o papel da imprensa na articulação do golpe. Apesar da historiografia reconhecer a importância dos meios de comunicação na atividade conspiratória, que garantiu unidade no interior do grupo golpista e o apoio das classes médias, é somente a partir dos anos 1990 que começaram a aparecer trabalhos acadêmicos sobre mídia e o golpe militar. Porém, ainda continua sendo um tema pouco explorado. Com a finalidade de compreender um pouco melhor a relação entre a imprensa e o golpe, escolhemos os editoriais da Folha de S.Paulo, produzidos entre janeiro de 1963 e abril de 1964, como fonte documental para nosso estudo. Este período acompanha a duração do governo Goulart sob o regime presidencialista e termina no primeiro mês da ditadura militar. O objetivo principal da pesquisa é estabelecer os nexos constitutivos entre o jornal e as forças sociais que, sob a ponta da baioneta, acabaram com um governo legitimamente constituído e, ao mesmo tempo, recuperar a função social que o periódico cumpriu. Longe de reconhecer o jornal como simples instrumento para comprovar fatos e fornecer subsídios a interpretações mergulhamos no interior do jornal para compreendê-lo como produtor de ideologia e difusor de uma visão particular de mundo. A pesquisa demonstra que a Folha de S. Paulo ao adotar um posicionamento nos editoriais que responsabiliza o governo Goulart, por sua incapacidade administrativa, pela infiltração do comunismo no Brasil e pela crise política do período, dará legitimidade à intervenção militar, o golpe bonapartista