This study sought to understand how individuals come to be educational developers, specifically, their individual and collective journeys toward entry to the profession, the drivers and conditions that shape developer pathways, a sense of how practitioners characterize their developer role and conceive the field overall, and, finally, the point at which they come to associate with the field and identify with what they do. To explore and examine these questions, a qualitative study was undertaken with a subset of the development community. Eighteen Canadian university educational developers, all formally associated with a campus-wide or discipline-based teaching and learning unit, were invited to share their stories. Drawing upon the metaphor of journey to conceptualize the research and storytelling process, and framing the analysis and discussion from a career development and community of practice perspective, the process of becoming an educational developer was revealed. Two trajectories to educational development were identified: (1) those coming from outside higher education and (2) those transitioning from within their academic institution. Various conditions, situational factors, social encounters, or drivers, often serendipitous in form, influenced their journeys, with some participants experiencing more direct paths to the profession and others encountering more twists and turns. Select types of individuals (gatekeepers, distractors, mentors, enablers) also significantly impacted their pathways. Participants characterized their developer role broadly (facilitator, connector, consultant, champion, change agent) and conceived educational development along service, professional, and academic lines. Commitment to the profession and their role solidified within two to four years upon entry. Currently, the field of educational development operates without any formalized career structures to guide entry to or facilitate advancement within the profession. As the community continues to grow and situate itself within the higher education landscape, identifying what attracts developers to the field, their individual pathways, as well as how and when they come to associate with the profession, especially in the absence of socialization and induction strategies, is crucial. With limited research examining the process of becoming a developer and the attraction of working in the field, this study provides a basis from which to continue to examine questions associated with growing and sustaining an emergent profession.

This study sought to understand how individuals come to be educational developers, specifically, their individual and collective journeys toward entry to the profession, the drivers and conditions that shape developer pathways, a sense of how practitioners characterize their developer role and conceive the field overall, and, finally, the point at which they come to associate with the field and identify with what they do. To explore and examine these questions, a qualitative study was undertaken with a subset of the development community. Eighteen Canadian university educational developers, all formally associated with a campus-wide or discipline-based teaching and learning unit, were invited to share their stories. Drawing upon the metaphor of journey to conceptualize the research and storytelling process, and framing the analysis and discussion from a career development and community of practice perspective, the process of becoming an educational developer was revealed. Two trajectories to educational development were identified: (1) those coming from outside higher education and (2) those transitioning from within their academic institution. Various conditions, situational factors, social encounters, or drivers, often serendipitous in form, influenced their journeys, with some participants experiencing more direct paths to the profession and others encountering more twists and turns. Select types of individuals (gatekeepers, distractors, mentors, enablers) also significantly impacted their pathways. Participants characterized their developer role broadly (facilitator, connector, consultant, champion, change agent) and conceived educational development along service, professional, and academic lines. Commitment to the profession and their role solidified within two to four years upon entry. Currently, the field of educational development operates without any formalized career structures to guide entry to or facilitate advancement within the profession. As the community continues to grow and situate itself within the higher education landscape, identifying what attracts developers to the field, their individual pathways, as well as how and when they come to associate with the profession, especially in the absence of socialization and induction strategies, is crucial. With limited research examining the process of becoming a developer and the attraction of working in the field, this study provides a basis from which to continue to examine questions associated with growing and sustaining an emergent profession.

No

yes / This chapter reports on a pilot study looking at the progression of academic women at one UK University. The chapter focuses on the promotions process and criteria as one important issue emerging from that research. Earlier research has shown that women are less likely to break into institutional networks which allow them to access information not only on formal and objective promotion criteria but also on hidden criteria and the way the ‘academic game’ is played. One result of this is that some academic women may have an inaccurate view of promotion criteria and processes. At the university studied by the authors, the Human Resources department has sought to make the promotion process more transparent and, officially at least, it no longer depends purely upon research achievements. However, these changes will not necessarily result in easier progression for women academics. The authors’ study confirms that there is still a mismatch between what women think the criteria for promotion are, what the formal criteria are and how those criteria actually operate. Reliance on incomplete or inaccurate information about promotion criteria, coupled other factors, such as women’s reluctance to promote themselves actively and traditional barriers to promotion such as caring responsibilities, puts women at a disadvantage when they attempt to progress into more senior positions within universities. Reform of promotions procedures needs to look beyond re-writing the substantive criteria for promotion and look to improving understanding of what is involved.

Yes / This document outlines a set of guidelines for universities and research organisations that are in the process of, or considering, implementing: measures for gender equality in selection processes relating to recruitment, promotion and progression of academics and researchers; measures aimed at strengthening the presence of women in leadership and senior positions, including gender targets; and measures to support women in accessing opportunities for career progression. The term ‘career transitions’ is used as shorthand in the document for all processes relating to recruitment, promotion, progression, career support and gender targets in academic and research careers. / FP7

No / Accepted definitions and descriptions of advanced practice offer generic ideals for the development of advanced radiographer practitioner roles. However, they fail to specify a development pathway necessary for a clinical practitioner to attain advanced practitioner status and lack of clarity persists around the definition of advanced practice within the context of radiography [Price R. Critical factors influencing the changing scope of practice: the defining periods. Imaging & Oncology 2005;June:6–11.]. This paper will consider the expectations of practitioner and advanced practitioner competencies within the context of radiography practice in the United Kingdom and suggest criteria for an advanced practice development pathway that may be adopted by individual radiographers, or their managers, to assist professional development within any imaging speciality.

No description available.

Purpose: After many years of equal opportunities legislation, motherhood still limits womens' career progress even in a feminized occupation such as nursing. While the effect of motherhood, working hours, career breaks and school aged children upon career progression has been discussed widely, its actual scale and magnitude has received less research attention. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of these factors individually and cumulatively. Design/methodology/approach: This paper considers the impact of the above through a longitudinal analysis of a demographically unique national database, comprising the 46,565 registered nursing workforces in NHS Scotland from 2000-2008. The variables examined include gender, employment grades, number and length of career breaks, lengths of service, age, working patterns, the number and age of dependent children. Findings: The results indicate: motherhood has a regressively detrimental effect on women's career progression. However, this is a simplistic term which covers a more complex process related to the age of dependent children, working hours and career breaks. The degree of women's restricted career progression is directly related to the school age of the dependent children: the younger the child the greater the detrimental impact. Women who take a career break of greater than two years see their careers depressed and restricted. The results confirm that whilst gender has a relatively positive effect on male career progression; a women's career progression is reduced incrementally as she has more children, and part-time workers have reduced career progression regardless of maternal or paternal circumstances. Originality/value: This paper is the only example internationally, of a national workforce being examined on this scale and therefore its findings are significant. For the first time the impact of motherhood upon a women's career progression and the related factors; dependent children, career breaks and part-time working are quantified. These findings are relevant across many areas of employment and they are significant in relation to broadening the debate around equal opportunities for women. Purpose - After many years of equal opportunities legislation, motherhood still limits womens' career progress even in a feminized occupation such as nursing. While the effect of motherhood, working hours, career breaks and school aged children upon career progression has been discussed widely, its actual scale and magnitude has received less research attention. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of these factors individually and cumulatively. Design/methodology/approach - This paper considers the impact of the above through a longitudinal analysis of a demographically unique national database, comprising the 46,565 registered nursing workforces in NHS Scotland from 2000-2008. The variables examined include gender, employment grades, number and length of career breaks, lengths of service, age, working patterns, the number and age of dependent children. Findings - The results indicate: motherhood has a regressively detrimental effect on women's career progression. However, this is a simplistic term which covers a more complex process related to the age of dependent children, working hours and career breaks. The degree of women's restricted career progression is directly related to the school age of the dependent children: the younger the child the greater the detrimental impact. Women who take a career break of greater than two years see their careers depressed and restricted. The results confirm that whilst gender has a relatively positive effect on male career progression; a women's career progression is reduced incrementally as she has more children, and part-time workers have reduced career progression regardless of maternal or paternal circumstances. Originality/value - This paper is the only example internationally, of a national workforce being examined on this scale and therefore its findings are significant. For the firs time the impact of motherhood upon a women's career progression and the related factors - dependent children, career breaks and part-time working are quantified. These findings are relevant across many areas of employment and they are significant in relation to broadening the debate around equal opportunities for women.

The significance of flows of temporary, skilled labour migrants under conditions of globalization is widely acknowledged. Using a case study of elite cricket professionals moving from the UK to Australia for a maximum duration of 6 months, out and return migration flows and processes are examined. In doing so, this thesis exposes migration motives, notably in relation to career progression and personal development, and the processes and regulations that control temporary sojourns. Furthermore, the discussion reveals important social, cultural, economic and familial impacts of undertaking temporary, skilled, international migration. Using this case study of a sport-led migration, a largely under-researched occupational sector in migration studies, a number of theoretical, conceptual and empirical contributions are provided, which advance knowledge of skilled, international migration. First, utilising Bourdieu's (1986) notions of capital as an analytical framework, the comparative importance of migration motives are emphasised. Second, it is shown that migration can be viewed as a normalised aspect of a skilled worker's career trajectory, and that desired outcomes can be achieved during increasingly temporary stays overseas. Third, a three phase model of the migration flow is adopted to enable the development of professionalization and migration within cricket to be examined. It is asserted that cricket, as a professional sport, has changed under conditions of globalization, alongside smaller scale developments initiated by both employers and intermediaries, and the migrant cricketers. It is concluded that these connections will have salience for the other skilled occupations identified in Salt's (1997) typology of highly-skilled migrants.

This thesis explores the relationship between sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) and career progression (CP) by applying a performative, post-structuralist, and queer theory influenced approach to career theory. It analyses how, that is to say in what ways and by what means, homosexual and transgender difference is produced through the processes associated with CP. It is based on 36 interviews with individuals of diverse ages and occupations who identify as Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual or Transgender (LGBT) and are based in the south-west of England. Hitherto career theory has based its understanding of CP on individual differences and/or category based explanations. The contribution of this thesis comes from using an anti-categorical understanding of difference to show how SOGI and CP are interacting disciplinary regimes. SOGI not only affects CP through assumptions about capability and suitability, but difference is constituted through CP – as the associated acts and interactions shape the way we think of ourselves, our possibilities, our becoming. Responsibility for achieving SOGI and CP is devolved to the individual, who is then often forced to prioritise one or the other. The findings show some shared patterns (which are argued to be based on situational, performative, embodied experiences not identity categories), such as minimising or compensating for difference, femininity as a locus for limiting discourse and self-employment as a mode of exclusion. Trajectories, choices and aspirations are affected, though not necessarily disadvantageously, leading to the conceptualisation of careers as queered by homosexual and transgender difference. This research contributes by arguing that rather than consider CP in terms of category based ceilings, CP and the production of difference can be understood as multiplicitous, emergent, and co-productive processes. This thesis forms a timely contribution to understanding LGBT experience during a period of intense change in social recognition, which includes discourses of normalisation, by suggesting that we still need to recognise the often subtle internal and external reiterations of heteronormative discourse that produce difference.