The radical democratic conception of civil society strives for theoretically constructing and politically defending civil society as a social sphere autonomous from both the economy and state. As a position taken against Marxist and liberal theories, radical civil societarianism views the cultural and normative structures of modern societies as independent from and prior to systemically conceived economic and political relations. These structures is purported to give way to spontaneous social solidarity characterising civil society. With the mechanisms of domination and exploitation defined outside civil society, this approach ends up with excessive voluntarism characterising social relations thereof. Similarly, in the Turkish context, the dominant centre-periphery approach is predicated upon the external contradiction between the vertical state-society relations and horizontal relations between social actors. It is argued that the dominance of the former has caused the underdevelopment of civil society which is a particular expression of the latter. In any case, social conflicts are detached from structural political and economic mechanisms and conceived in voluntaristic terms. Consequently, the normative position radical civil societarianism takes vis-&agrave / -vis social movements fails to go beyond an imposition of the arbitrary notion of &ldquo / civility&rdquo / through the discourse of self-limitation.

This thesis examines TOBB within the global and national socioeconomic context in which it operates, focusing on the last decade. Though states are the main governing bodies and important actors, the role of non-state actors (NSAs) is becoming increasingly important as they are able to intervene and influence policy decisions through various activities. They matter in issues regarding globalization and governance. They interact with various other actors, they have a role in governance schemes and they may have the capability to effect acceleration of globalization. In return they are also affected by this process. For this research project TOBB has been chosen as a case study to evaluate the impact of such institutions in this process. Information on TOBB, including its chamber features, its interactions in governance, its special projects, and its view-point (made public through certain declarations and criteria), the economic platforms in which it participates, its contribution to G20 meetings and establishment of C20 all show that TOBB has taken an active stand in this process during the last decade. The context within which TOBB operates is an enabling one, both domestically and internationally. A comparison of TOBB with FICCI, its organizational counterpart in India, further demonstrates that the overall impact of similar institutions, in our case chambers, is larger when the system is taken as a whole. In this thesis it is argued that TOBB &ldquo / matters&rdquo / and is able to intervene and influence decision making processes.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the last phrase of democratization process in Georgia that refers to democratic consolidation period, while focusing on the role of civil society organizations. The main focus area will be post-Rose Revolution period hence, the Rose Revolution that occurred in 2003 is considered as an example of democratic transition and as a nature of successful democratization development, the transition period must be followed by the democratic consolidation process. In order to examine the consolidation of democracy in Georgia, the study sheds light on the development of civil society, the aims of activities of civil societal actors and their relations with state, society, international actors and media. This thesis argues that in order to consolidate democracy, the civil society&rsquo / s interaction with state and society must be effectual however, the Georgian civil society organizations are unable to mediate the relations with state and society, especially after the Rose Revolution. As a result of the problematic relations, Georgian democratic consolidation process is failing. This thesis is based on the qualitative data which is collected during a fieldwork in Georgia.

The dissertation engages in a critical analysis of the involvement of the Brusselsbased European NGOs in European governance. It conducts a survey on the European Commission&rsquo / s relevant initiatives after the 1990s and interrogates the implications of these initiatives on one of the prominent European NGO network, the Social Platform of European NGOs. The common understanding conceives of these organizations as conducive to democratization of EU governance within the scope of participatory democracy. However, I endeavour to argue that the Commission has had an aim to make use of the civil society discourse for its institutional interests, while intentionally and unintentionally shaping (and reshaping) civic action in Europe. Participatory democracy project, which is promoted by the Commission, can be seen as a deliberate venture of shaping civic action and state-society relationships in Europe. With respect to this goal, it has encouraged the Social Platform to act like its interlocutor vis-&agrave / -vis the NGO community organised both at national and European level. Deriving from the Foucaultian concept of governmentality, I inquiry into the effects of this discourse on the Social Platform, which has been particularly created by the Commission to disperse the participatory democracy and good governance discourse in Europe.

This thesis mainly aims to understand how the realms of &ldquo / the political&rdquo / and &ldquo / nonpolitical&rdquo / are comprehended, defined and differentiated on the practice of volunteerism in civil society. This study is based on an ethnographic research conducted with people who are volunteering in a Non-Governmental Organization in Turkey working in the field of education. The data were collected through in-depth interviews and participant observation by following the volunteers who regularly visit the elementary schools in villages and Yatili Ilk&ouml / gretim B&ouml / lge Okullari (Regional Boarding Elementary Schools) in order to help school children. Volunteers&rsquo / strong emphasis on the construction of volunteer activity and political activity as opposing categories and their strategies and rules conducted for avoiding any political representation, their perception of politics as &ldquo / spoiled&rdquo / and useless and responsibilizing themselves for their target group constituted the grounds of this study. Basing on the data and following the Foucauldian concept of governmentality / it is argued that the idea &ldquo / non-politics&rdquo / is a new type of politics which is experienced in late liberalism. By prioritizing &ldquo / how&rdquo / questions, this study discusses how volunteerism and politics are defined and how individuals feel responsible for the tasks which were previously seen as duties of state.

Research this probe into Greenpeace actives in entering China change to launch activities with case study. In every activity of Greenpeace, especially observe the development patterns in China of the Greenpeace organization with the contamination accident of the electronics waste. Each aspects involved can be found out how the international NGO uses one's own influence to influence the decision on the environmental protection topic of Chinese Government in the incident. Understanding it influences making propping up Corporatism how the international NGO comes from it. The thesis carries on the discussion on the development of the NGOs in China. Probe into Chinese society and the transitions of the state-society relationship with the evolution of the NGOs of China themselves, and then introduce China¡¦s NGOs versus one's own NGOs with the norm on the system legally separately. It also helps to understand and make the Corporatism controlling the state-society relationship of China. And then we come to regard globalization of the environmental protection topic as the theme, and explain the influence that the environmental protection topic is globalization. Globalization has condensed panhuman the environmental consciousness of civil society. It is through the envirmental international NGOs to practice the goals to protect our envirnment. The environmental problem of China is paid attention to gradually this wave of globalization at the same time. It also lets the international NGOs realize that launch the necessity of the activities in China, too. On the other hand, it introduces development and operations of the Greenpeace by the discussion of this component; it will offer us an intacter understanding. It is the focal point of this thesis that Greenpeace and government, enterprise, media, international organization, etc. Regarding contaminatal accident of the electronics waste is as individual case finally. In this dissertaton, I also discuss with more specific introduction about how the Greenpeace uses its own resource to enforce every activies, build and constructe the advocacy networks of proposing, make the best of the relation with each side to give play to the influence of international NGOs. From the electronics waste contamination accident, it shows that the Greenpeace is engaged in. We can find out how the international NGOs use huge resource to develop in China. Under making up doctrine influence, it reflects one's own value to prove that China still needs international NGOs to help to Chinese problems under the same topic. It shows the important role of the international NGOs in the world.

Before 1978, Chinese dam policies were tallied with the political movement ¡§Big Leap¡¨, people all obeyed the order no matter they were under the situation of lacked of instruments. Sanmenxia can be a special sample. ZhouEnlai¡¦s chrisma made people did their best on dam projects. This could be said that dam construction policies were methods to show the authority of the leader and the state. And further, under the system of people¡¦s commune and SOEs, the state can totally control the society. After executing the opening reform policy in 1978, social organizations were in bud in China. Since 1994, environmental non-government organizations (ENGO) dramatically grew up and played an important role in anti-dam movements, in addition the international non-government organizations joined the movement, and then the two kinds of organizations became transnational advocacy networks. However, the transnational advocacy networks successfully stopped the projects of Nu River and Hutiaoxia. In this study, the documentary analysis is the key research methodology and the dam construction is the case to illustrate the purpose of constructing dam in China. Furthermore, this thesis would make a description of the reasons of anti-dam movements, the emergence of NGOs and ENGOs, and the cooperation with INGOs to confer the transforming State-Society relations in China.

<p>The situation of the low developed countries has been on the agenda of IMF and the World Bank throughout the years. However, after the disastrous failure of the Structural Adjustment Programs, the two financial institutions left the ideas of 'one model fits all' and economic growth equals development. Rather, tailored development programs and poverty reduction became the new foci. Further, it is today stressed that the broad-based participation of the civil-society and the ownership of the nation over the development process are the most important factors for successful and sustainable development. These ideas conforms the basis of the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) initiative which was adopted by IMF and the World Bank in 1999. </p><p>This paper will investigate indications and perceptions, given by the civil-society, of the concepts of its participation and ownership within the Poverty Reduction Processes in Bolivia and Uganda. The objective is also to, in an inductive manner, develop and increase the understanding of how, and through what means, the two concepts have been realised and contextualised. In order to fulfil this purpose, the contents and origins of the PRS initiative are outlined and the definitions of participation and national ownership, in accordance to IMF and the World Bank, are stated. Secondly, against the derived theoretical framework an empirical pilot study will be conducted, based on literature studies. The primary conclusion drawn from the analysis is that it is impossible to broaden the understanding of what types of participation that have been applied. However, important and interesting insights have been reached in relation to how participation has been contextualised. First and foremost, for a genuine participation of the civil-society it is not enough with physical presence at official consultation meetings. The people must be enabled to actively and directly participate in, and influence the agenda of, all the stages of the PRS process. In regard to national ownership it has been concluded that the term bestow more than the balance between national, governmental and international influence - it is also a feeling of being able to participate in, and influence the outcome of, PRS process. Overall, the major finding is that for a real apprehension of national ownership and participation the perception of the civil-society must be accounted for. It is the people who decide whether they have been adequately involved and if they see themselves to be the owners of the process!</p>

<p>This study was performed during the period March – May of 2007 in Kampala and Gulu district, Uganda, and it was made possible due to a scholarship from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). The main focus of the study is to examine and analyse the peace process taking place in Juba (the Juba talks), southern Sudan, with the goal to solve the 20 year old conflict in northern Uganda between the government of Uganda and the rebel group the Lord’s Resistance Army. I am doing this by, first; identify the actors involved by using John Paul Lederach’s pyramid which includes three levels of actors, second; study different methods for peacebuilding and thereafter identify which methods have been used in the Ugandan case and third; discover to what extent the civil society and more specifically women’s organisations have contributed to this process.</p><p>The data collected consist of qualitative literature studies, analyses of articles dealing with the peace talks and interviews with representatives from different levels of the Ugandan society.</p><p>The analyse of the material shows that all levels of the society have been involved to some extent, but that the peace process is mainly characterized by the top-down approach to peacebuilding, with the top level leaders as the main actors. I also found that women’s organisations in Uganda want to engender the peace talks, for example by bringing women to the negotiation table and let them participate in high level decision-making. Finally, the civil society has in general contributed to a large extent to the negotiations in order to bring peace, yet with different results.</p>

<p>This study examines different ideas concerning problem, strategy, means and goal about development and underdevelopment in Swedish civil society organizations and Swedish governmental institutions active in the area of human rights and democracy in Uganda. This is done by first; creating a model over explainable options with the help of theories of development and underdevelopment, second; determining which theoretical perspective that SIDA and the civil society work by. The data collected consist of qualitative literature studies, analyses of policy and strategy documents dealing with development and underdevelopment.</p><p>The theoretical standpoint in the study is brought from the theory of development assistance as part of foreign policy, an area traditionally dominated by the nation, development theories and the roll of civil society. By using the analytical model we get results that show that there is a big coherence in ideas concerning the goal where the focus is poverty reduction. There are major differences concerning ideas about strategy and problem, though at majority of the actors declare both internal and external factors to underdevelopment. The leading idea about strategy is complementary implementations like organization of individuals, self-trust and</p><p>spiritual development, ideas where civil society is represented. There are several ideas of means represented in both SIDA and the civil society but SIDA differs on additional ideas such as privatization and recommendations of governmental regulations.</p>