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After the 1990s, Japan has been deeply influenced by international trends as well as its own political and economic development. With the traditional Tenno system, Japan confronted the rapid rise and impact of the civilians' social consciousness. The change can be observed and traced back to the period after the Great Hanshin earthquake in 1995, when a volunteering civic engagement started automatically and later spread up the realization and implementation of the Non-Profit Organizations (NPO) Act. Based on my observations regarding legal regulations and institutional changes , this dissertation constructs a society-centered theory to explore and to analyze the relationship between the Japanese government and NPOs during the new period. This dissertation also seeks to explain how civic social ideologies developed and promoted the NPO Act and the establishment of the new JICA. In order to be more precise on the topic, I examine the change and the development by dividing the progress into ¡§traditional period¡¨ and ¡§new period¡¨ with after the cold war in the 1990s. On reviewing the changes of patterns and features of the development, I study the new interactive modes between state and society. The emphasis of this study is to show how Japan accelerated the NPO and ODA legal regulation and institutional changes. Furthermore, the study discusses how, the unique and new type of intermediate organizations, that support NPOs, developed after the execution of the NPO Act, and how those agencies provided local governments with NPOs cooperative partnership. In addition, this dissertation uses the platform of NPO Center of Chiba Prefecture as a case study, to analyze how to effectively combine members to spread the idea of ¡§NPO Prefecture,¡¨ and how to reorganize the system of new JICA in order to adopt outward environment and inward NPO participation. In other words, by demonstrating this new mode of cooperative partnership, the study expects to provide scholars with a reference of relative subjects and hopes to support the development of civil society in the developing countries.

Human society in the 21st century, population pressures brought about by globalization, the unequal distribution of environmental hazards, and a variety of public issues become not by the traditional government alone; has been, non-governmental organization (NGO) in the global the role in a variety of topics, are the key to lead the relationship between state and society in the discussions of civil society and international governance, the NGO has become increasingly critical, even in order to achieve democracy, with human rights, a indicators. After 1978, the Communist Party power succession by designated has passed three generations. 2012, mainland China's power struggle with severe economic test can reveal the opportunity for Chinese mainland state machine transition is not yet known; But no matter how, recalling the moment in 2008, it was a in the north hosting the Olympic Games to the international community show the elements of national power, surprisingly actually first in the Southern earthquake relief shown. The Corporatism defined the mode of interdependence between the NGOs and the government is built on the concept of exchange, of which the most important connotation is the country's laws, institutions and regulations; the organization can not just exist with its own objectives and efficiency relevant professional space must comply with the external specification, which includes the cultural system, moral values. National units the role of classification screening system for the development of mainland China NGO, the NGO in the process of development, whether it can have more than "Legitimacy" is even more important.

The field of international development has always been intertwined with the economic thought dominant in the West. Even before its conception with the Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe, it carried a strong Keynesian preference for the state. The neoliberal assault on the welfare state in the 80s, followed by the partnership era that brought both the public and the private sector together to work for a common cause have been the focus of attention by development scholars and others alike. The present study focuses on a multilateral development aid agency, the Global Fund, which funds public-private partnerships in the field of health care in developing countries. Drawing on the debates surrounding the welfare state and the civil society, as well as the debates surrounding the public-privates partnerships, the present study poses three questions in relation to the Global Fund: (1) how are the diseases framed in the partnership framework, (2) what are the roles of the private sector in partnership, and (3) what are the roles of the public sector in partnerships. Based on the textual analysis of fifteen proposals approved by the Global Fund in the sixth round of funding, this dissertation tries to situate the working of the Global Fund, and the proposals it funds, within the larger debates surrounding development and partnerships. The findings of the present study are: (1) the diseases are framed largely in socio-economic terms, (2) the private (for-profit) sector is marginalized in the discussion and implementation of proposals, (3) the civil society participation is seen as essential to the success of the proposals, and (3) the state is seen as important in the discussion of the diseases, although there is a great deal of ambiguity surrounding the roles of the public sector in partnerships. It is hypothesized in the concluding chapter that the reason Global Fund is able to attract a great deal of funds and support from actors across the political spectrum could be because the organization funds programs that foreground civil society, liked by people of different political inclinations, and backgrounds the discussion of the state, the epicenter of controversies surrounding development. By being “strategically ambiguous” about the role of the state in the development of the people, the proposals are made apolitical and appealing to people both on the left and the right.

The end of the Cold War represented a constructional transformation in international politics - from bipolar to multipolar . Nevertheless the end of the hostility did not mean the peace and prosperity , on the contrary , there are many latent crises gradually emerging, like security¡Bpolitics¡Becology and cultural. Therefore, how to manipulate the power to resolve the global problem is a very realistic and urgent issue . Due to the new situations of the above, western politicians and scholars have given some new meanings to" governance" with their each values and needs since the 1990's, henceforth, the concept " governance" has successively appeared in the political science¡Bdevelop economics¡Binternational relations and international political economy. Suddenly governance has become the buzzword and popular research topic; and further , the ¡§global governance theory¡¨ has gradually shaped , but also presented the different and blurred definitions . It is similar to abuse the term " globalization" and do not understand its concepts and meanings further. Therefore, the motive of this thesis is to outline and generalize global governance theory and study related subjects further . For this reason , I hope to reach some purposes as follows: First, I will outline the structure and scope of the global governance theory by generalize the history progress of global problem research . Second, I will discuss the relationship between the state and civil society in global governance process , and argue the possible roles of sovereignty states in the future, and the feasibility of " global civil society". Third, I want to find out the conflict and each needs about global governance between advanced states and developing states, and seek the way to improve the inequality for developing states. Finally, I try to use the result of this research to judge the global governance theory whether regard as a new theory.

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<p><b>Background & Problem</b>: Democracy in the Arab world has received much attention since the Kuwait war in 1991, both in academics and in the public debate. Lebanon in particular has through its history in the 20th century constantly been facing new challenges for its multicultural society of minorities. Conflicts have dominated several periods with a horrible experience of 15 years of civil war between 1975-1990. Religion and confessional belonging have large influence in the political system, giving Lebanon a character of confessional state. How the political system and civil society is related to concept of democracy is the main object of this study.</p><p><b>Purpose</b>: The main purpose of this study is to examine the political structure, civil society and democracy in Lebanon. A literature study is combined with a field study in order to deepen the understanding of the political system, civil society and process of democracy through interviews with actors within civil society, politicians and academics.</p><p><b>Method</b>: The scientific approach and method used in this study has a qualitative character with focus on hermeneutics and more specifically on the hermeneutic circle.</p><p><b>Theoretical Framework</b>: This chapter introduces the theoretical tools of the theory and concepts used in the study. Focus is on liberal democracy and deliberative democracy, and briefly on consociational democracy. Clarification of concept of state, civil society and democracy is used for further introduction in the case of Lebanon, which are also a part of this chapter. Primary and secondary sources are brought into light in the case of Lebanon, in which the interviews that are conducted during the field study are firmly a background for analysis.</p><p><b>Analysis & Conclusions</b>: In the analysis, the focus is on understanding the text (primary and secondary data) in search for fulfilling the purpose and reach for an understanding of civil society and democracy in Lebanon. This chapter deals with the interpretation of the case Lebanon in evaluation of the theoretical framework with discussion on civil society, de-mocracy and political system. Conclusions and reflection upon the study and its results are presented in a final chapter.</p>

<p>This study aims to investigate, from an institutional perspective, the implications of the</p><p>new anti-corruption law in Viet Nam with a particular focus on its impact on civil society</p><p>and individual rights to report on corruption. The overarching research question is: How do</p><p>formal and informal institutions affect whistle-blowers possibilities to engage in combat of</p><p>corruption in Viet Nam? To blow the whistle in Viet Nam can be problematic, with</p><p>consequences such as loosing his/hers job and social exclusion. Whistle-blowers in Viet</p><p>Nam today seem to have an insufficient confidence to official authorities. Moreover, a</p><p>problem of significance is that whistle-blowers have to state their name and contact details</p><p>when reporting on corrupt acts to competent agencies. Another problem is that civil society</p><p>is strongly connected to the CPV (Communist Party of Viet Nam).</p>

Thesis (doctoral)--Universiteit Utrecht, 2007. / Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 463-479).

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Government and Public Administration