Despite widespread depiction of civil war as a pathway to autocracy or state failure, the empirical record shows significant variation in post-civil war states' regime trajectories. While some states settled into durable authoritarianism, others went on to enter the ranks of electoral democracies shortly after belligerents laid down their arms. What explains this variation? In the extreme, how is it that a state that is staunchly autocratic at the war's outbreak can emerge from it a nascent democracy? This study proposes that post-civil war regime outcomes have wartime origins. Differences in the nature of rebel governance of civilians generate different social and institutional legacies across civil wars. These legacies can endure into peacetime politics, affecting the latter in often unintended ways. The theory centers on two wartime transformations that result from different forms of rebel governance. First, where rebels depend heavily on civilian material support, civilians become mobilized as a political force. Widespread social mobilization can in turn create political pressures on postwar elites to respond with a democratization strategy. Second, where rebel groups engage in extensive wartime "statebuilding," they create formal and informal institutions of governance which they can carry over into postwar politics should they prevail in the war. Because institutions are sticky, how they govern civilians in times of war can affect how they will govern in times of peace. These arguments are tested using both quantitative and qualitative methods. An original cross-national dataset on rebel governance for all civil wars ending between 1950 and 2006 serves as the basis, first, for a novel empirical analysis of rebel governance in civil war, then for statistical tests of the theory. To further probe the theory's causal claims, the study engages in an in-depth analysis of the Nepalese civil war and its political aftermath based on field interviews. The theory is further tested in a comparative analysis of the Ugandan, Tajik, and Mozambican civil wars. Together, empirical findings show that rebel governance in civil war can catalyze significant social and political change, with enduring impacts on postwar political regimes. The study offers theoretical and practical implications for our understanding of, and response to, the politics of violent rebellion and its effects on regime development.

This thesis examines the methods and actions of selected Virginians who chose to adopt irregular tactics in wartime, and focuses on the reasons why they fought that way. The presence of the Cavalier image in Virginia had a direct impact on the military exploits of several cavalry officers in both the Revolutionary War and the American Civil War. The Royalist cavalry during the English Civil War gave rise to the original Cavalier image, but as migrants came to Virginia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the image became a general term for the Southern planter. This thesis contends that selected Virginia cavalry officers attempted to adhere to an Americanized version of the Cavalier image. They either purposefully embodied aspects of the Cavalier image during their military service, or members of the Southern populace attached the Cavalier image to them in the post-war period. The Cavalier thus served as a military ideal, and some cavalry officers represented a romanticized version of the Southern martial hero. This thesis traces the development of the Cavalier image in Virginia chronologically. It focuses on the origins of the Cavalier image and the role of the Royalist cavalry during the English Civil War. After the Royalist migration, and especially during the American Revolution, Virginians like Henry Lee embodied aspects of the Cavalier image during their military careers. Between the end of the American Revolution and the beginning of the Civil War, some Southern authors perpetuated the image by including Cavalier figures in many of their literary works. In the Civil War, select Virginians who fought for the Confederacy personified the Cavalier hero in the minds of many white Southerners. Despite a Confederate defeat, the Cavalier image persisted in Southern culture in the post-Civil War period and into the twentieth century.

Women in the Civil War era engendered new identities that directly opposed traditional female roles set forth by Southern society. Women belonging to the non-elite classes emerged out of the domestic sphere and became enmeshed in political life. This analysis evaluates the political life of white Georgia women of the poor and yeoman class during the Civil War in comparison to the conclusions set forth by Stephanie McCurry in Confederate Reckoning. An introduction of terms and class structures is followed by a discussion on how women impacted public policy in Georgia through writing government officials, petitioning, and rioting. A study of how women affected the rate of their husbands’ desertions provides additional evidence that enriches the existing scholarship on women’s involvement in Civil War politics. The conclusion offers a brief insight into the lives of women after the Civil War and their conscious involvement in post-war public policy.

The aim of this thesis is to provide a study of political conflict and local-national relations during the English Revolution, in the context of the county of Surrey, a county in which a moderate parliamentarian administration was able to survive until 1649. The thesis concentrates in particular on political developments in the period from 1640 to 1653. The character of local society in Surrey before 1640 is examined in Chapter One, as are relations between the Surrey gentry and the government of Charles I. The importance of localism is emphasised, despite the cosmopolitan nature of society in the county. Political and religious developments in Surrey between the autumn of 1640 and the, end of 1642 are examined in Chapter Three; Chapter Four provides a study of patterns of civil war allegiance in the county. In Chapters Five and Six, political conflicts from 1642 to 1646 are studied, and in particular the campaign to remove Sir Richard Onslow and his associates from their dominant position in local administration. It is argued that parliament's sensitivity to localism helped to ensure Onslow's political survival during the 1640's. The Surrey petitioning movement of 1648, the Earl of Holland's rising, and local reactions to the establishment of the Commonwealth in 1649, are discussed in Chapter Six, The final chapter provides a study of the Surrey Digger movement, and of social conflict in the county during the civil war and after. Although it is clear that the Diggers met with considerable opposition in Walton, it is suggested that there was some sympathy for them in Cobham, and that they should not be dismissed as outsiders in that parish.

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This study challenges the long-standing thesis that by the failure to repeal or greatly reduce the war tariffs, the government and the Republican party embarked on a deliberate policy of aiding business.

From May 1861 until April 1865 the city of Richmond, Virginia served as the capital of the Confederate States of America, during the American Civil War. Throughout the course of the war it operated alongside the established governments of the Commonwealth of Virginia, the County of Henrico, and Richmond City. The body that experienced the greatest fluctuation and change was the municipal government, which consisted of a city council, mayor, and hustings court. The city government faced existential challenges that included an increase in its population, an influx of Confederate soldiers, and the constant threat of the Union army. While developing and implementing policies that responded to these situations, it refused to neglect or yield the duties that it had always performed. This included maintaining the gas and water works, funding police and fire departments, providing land for burial in cemeteries, and ensuring basic resources were available to its denizens.