University Indian Ruin (UIR), which sits in the eastern Tucson Basin, is a prime example of a Classic Period Hohokam platform mound archaeological site. The University of Arizona owns 13 acres of this site, and it is listed on the National Register of Historic Places using this acreage as its site boundary. However, multiple investigations have shown that the site is not fully contained within that boundary. This work seeks to answers to two questions about the UIR site. The first is to further investigate to duration of occupation at UIR, beyond the Classic Period. The second is to systematically investigate the extent of UIR into the surrounding residential community. Results include a new, proposed boundary for management by Pima County and the State of Arizona. How archaeologists define a site boundary is also investigated.

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In the past, Classic Maya dance has been defined by the proposed correlation between sculptures that feature a figure with a raised-heel and the T516 hieroglyph. The interpretation of the T516 hieroglyph as dance depends on its association to the raisedheel. However, there is reason to doubt the proposed correlation as there are spatial and temporal divisions between the two features as well as a lack of material evidence to suitably substantiate their relationship. More importantly the available material documenting the raised-heel motif in Classic Maya sculpture is suggestive of alternative interpretations to dance, warranting a reexamination of the raised-heel. This article attempts to study the raised-heel motif in sculpture during the Late Classic in order to show commonalities in changes in its associations both spatially and temporally while providing evidence for a liminal interpretation. This Thesis sheds light not only on the interpretation of the raised-heel through archeological remains and context, but also on ideas which would have been central to the Late Classic Maya world view.

Iconography encapsulates the cultural knowledge of a civilization. The ancient Maya of Mesoamerica utilized iconography to express ideological beliefs, as well as political events and histories. An ideology heavily based on the presence of an Otherworld is visible in elaborate Maya iconography. Motifs and themes can be manipulated to convey different meanings based on context. An example of this mutability can be witnessed in the depiction of Otherworld gods. Maya gods were not like Old World pantheons; gods were fluid and could function in multiple roles. Protector gods are an example of the fluidity of Maya deities. Scenes of protector gods are closely related, indicative of a specific theme and meaning. This thesis aims to define a specific iconographic theme, centered around a “protector,” based on the similarities of the composition of each scene in the sample set of images found on monuments. In conjunction with archaeological evidence and epigraphy, I suggest the protector theme depicts deities in the role of a protector

abstract: Patterns of social conflict and cooperation among irrigation communities in southern Arizona from the Classic Hohokam through the Historic period (c. 1150 to c. 1900 CE) are analyzed. Archaeological survey of the Gila River Indian Community has yielded data that allow study of populations within the Hohokam core area (the lower Salt and middle Gila valleys). An etic design approach is adopted that analyzes tasks artifacts were intended to perform. This research is predicated on three hypotheses. It is suggested that (1) projectile point mass and performance exhibit directional change over time, and weight can therefore be used as a proxy for relative age within types, (2) stone points were designed differently for hunting and warfare, and (3) obsidian data can be employed to analyze socioeconomic interactions. This research identifies variation in the distribution of points that provides evidence for aspects of warfare, hunting, and the social mechanisms involved in procuring raw materials. Ethnographic observations and archaeological data suggest that flaked-stone points were designed (1) for hunting ungulates, or (2) for use against people. The distribution of points through time and space consequently provides evidence for conflict, and those aspects of subsistence in which they played a role. Points were commonly made from obsidian, a volcanic glass with properties that allow sources to be identified with precision. Patterns in obsidian procurement can therefore be employed to address socioeconomic interactions. By the 18th century, horticulturalists were present in only a few southern Arizona locations. Irrigation communities were more widely distributed during the Classic Period; the causes of the collapse of these communities and relationships between prehistoric and historic indigenes have been debated for centuries. Data presented here suggest that while changes in material culture occurred, multiple lines of evidence for cultural continuity from the prehistoric to Historic periods are present. The O'Odham creation story suggests that the population fluctuated over time, and archaeological evidence supports this observation. It appears that alterations in cultural practices and migrations occurred during intervals of low population density, and these fluctuations forced changes in political, economic, and social relationships along the middle Gila River / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Anthropology 2010

Similar projectile point types were used by groups living over a wide geographic region in central and southern Arizona and southwestern New Mexico during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries A.D. Substantial changes that occurred in southeastern Arizona at this time include population aggregation, the arrival of northern migrant groups, and an increase in obsidian use. An analysis focusing on two sub-regions, the Tucson Basin and the San Pedro Valley, was conducted to explore how social, technological and environmental factors influenced projectile point technology during the Classic period (A.D. 1150–1450) in southeastern Arizona. Projectile point metric and morphological attributes and obsidian source data were used for comparisons within both of the sub-regions. Despite differences in social relations, obsidian exchange networks, and access to large game, comparisons between sites in the northeastern and northwestern Tucson Basin did not reveal significant differences in projectile point types. However, a good deal of variation in base morphology is evident regardless of type among the Tucson Basin sites. Projectile points from Kayenta enclaves in the Lower San Pedro Valley are overwhelmingly made of obsidian, but do not possess significantly different attributes from those used by local groups. Notable variation was seen in the small sample from the Upper San Pedro Valley, which may be attributed to the lack of influence from groups living to the north. Overall, the similarities in projectile point forms correspond with the growth of social networks during the Classic period. Although the small size of these points restricts their usefulness for signaling group identity, variation in base morphology, serrated blade edges, and other small details may continue to inform on the learning traditions or cultural preferences of groups in the region. Future research should expand the study area to include the Upper Gila region of New Mexico, where groups were living close to the extensive Mule Creek obsidian source.

No description available.

The dissertation examines the political organization of the ancient Maya during the Terminal Classic Period in the Cochuah Region of Quintana Roo. It evaluates the architecture and site layout of the secondary sites of Sacalaca and San Felipe, and tertiary and quaternary sites surrounding them in order to test political models. Our understanding of the ancient Maya political organization largely comes from Classic Period hieroglyphic texts recorded by Maya kings on public monuments. This reliance on only these kinds of data creates a limitation on the interpretation of political organization, and does not address the local scale of political institution within Maya polities. It also creates the illusion of a centralization of political organization and biases towards primary sites where hieroglyphic monuments are located. The alternative data available for the evaluation of political organization are the regional settlement pattern, individual site layouts and site architecture. Certain types of architecture such as acropoli, mortuary temples, formal plazas and ballcourts, are representative of the institutions of rulership permitting to determine the type of political organization. The distribution of this architecture within the primary, secondary, tertiary and quaternary sites will correlate to respective political models. Three models were chosen to be tested after reviewing the various models proposed for the political organization of the ancient Maya. These models are Dynastic Kingship, Mul Tepal, and the Segmentary State. The archaeological correlates of these models are identified and compared with the evidence provided by twenty sites in the Cochuah Region for both the early Terminal Classic Period -the Florescent Phase and the late Terminal Classic Period -the Post Florescent Phase. The conclusion is made that during the Florescent Phase the political organization in the Cochuah Region was a Segmentary State. In the Segmentary State the institution of rulership is found in sites occupying different levels in the settlement hierarchy. Sacalaca and San Felipe and their satellites exhibit a duplication of the institutions of rulership on a smaller scale. During the Post Florescent Phase data indicate the absence of authorities capable of providing order or enforcing laws and perhaps the absence of rulers during this time in the region. This case study demonstrates that some types of political organizations would be only visible through examination of secondary sites and their satellites. Also, this approach addresses the problem of relying on hieroglyphic texts and helps to overcome a bias of centralized political organization created by investigation limited to the primary centers. / Anthropology

The afterlife is an important concept in many societies whether they are contemporary or ancient. Egypt and Oaxaca, Mexico are just two of the many cultures that took the time to find ways to ensure a successful transition into the afterlife. Each culture in the world has their own unique way of ensuring this transition. Tomb art is the common element that links the unique cultures of New Kingdom Egypt and Classic Period Oaxaca, Mexico. Each culture's tomb art has its own way of guiding the deceased into the world beyond this one. There are other common elements of the art, such as the idea of appeasement, that link the two civilizations that are thousands of miles apart as well as thousands of years apart. These commonalities can give researchers more insight on what is most important to gain access to the afterlife.

La ville préhispanique de Cantona, située dans la vallée d’Oriental dans l’état de Puebla au Mexique, atteignit sa première apogée culturelle entre 150 av. J.C. et 600/650 A.D. Durant cette période, des complexes cérémoniaux comprenant des groupes de pyramides-temples et des terrains de jeu de balle furent construits. Ces installations servirent au déroulement de nombreux rites au cours desquels les victimes de sacrifices étaient décapitées, démembrées, décharnées, écorchées, bouillies, brûlées et, dans certains cas, consommées. D’autres traitements du corps humain comportent l’inhumation d’individus en position assise et repliés sur eux-mêmes. Pour mieux comprendre le traitement mortuaire rituel des corps humains à Cantona, les découvertes faites sur place sont comparées aux données datant de la même époque obtenues dans trois régions voisines : la vallée de Mexico, Puebla-Tlaxcala et le golfe du Mexique. A partir de ces renseignements, on peut en déduire que la majorité des découvertes faites à Cantona sont les restes des dépouilles et offrandes provenant de rites destinés à la communication avec les dieux et à l’obtention de la fertilité, tandis que les dépouilles des individus en position assise appartiennent à des prêtres ou à des personnages religieux. / The prehispanic city of Cantona, located in the Valley of Oriental in the state of Puebla, Mexico, reached its first cultural apogee between 150 B.C. - 600/650 A.D. During this time, ceremonial complexes such as Temple Pyramid Groups and ballcourts were constructed. These served as the location for a number of rituals involving the beheading, dismemberment, defleshing, flaying, boiling, burning, and in some cases, the consumption of sacrifice victims. Other human body treatment included the burial of individuals in flexed seated positions. To better understand the ritual mortuary treatment of human bodies at Cantona, the finds are compared with data from three neighboring areas: the Valley of Mexico, Puebla-Tlaxcala, and the Gulf of Mexico. From this information, it can be deduced that most of discoveries at Cantona are the remains of rites dedicated to deity communication and fertility while those of individuals in flexed, seated positions belong to religious actors. / La ciudad prehispánica de Cantona, ubicada en el valle de Oriental dentro del estado de Puebla, Mexico, tuvo su primer apogeo cultural entre 150 a.ne. y 600/650 d.n.e. Durante ese periodo, se edificaron gran número de complejos ceremoniales tal como Grupos de Templo Pirámide y canchas de juego de pelota. Estas construcciones sirvieron como sitios rituales en donde se llevaron a cabo gran número de ritos, los cuales, en parte, consistían en decapitar, desmembrar, descarnar, desollar, hervir, quemar, y, en algunos casos, comer a las víctimas humanas de los sacrificios. En otros casos, los cuerpos humanos fueron encontrados en posición flexionada y sentada. Para entender mejor el tratamiento ritual de cuerpos humanos en Cantona, estos descubrimientos fueron comparados con información obtenida de tres regiones cercanas: el Valle de México, Puebla-Tlaxcala y la Costa del Golfo. Esto permitió deducir que la mayoría de los hallazgos en Cantona representan los restos de ritos dedicados a la comunicación con divinidades y a la fertilidad, mientras que los individuos encontrados en posición flexionada y sentada corresponden a sacerdotes o actores rituales difuntos.