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Multilateral efforts are yet to produce meaningful action on climate change. Part of the problem with these approaches is a perceived lack of fairness among state actors. Whilst academic discussion has traditionally focused on the issue of distributive fairness, very little has been said about procedural fairness in this respect. To this end, this thesis analyses principles of procedural justice in order to develop practical policy measures for institutional design. It does so in four steps. First, it argues that procedural justice is important for reaching a mutually acceptable agreement when there is reasonable disagreement about the substantive ends that collective action should achieve. Second, it develops several principles of procedural justice that should govern the decision-making processes of climate institutions. This includes principles that govern who should participate in decisions, how these decisions should take place, and how transparent they should be. Third, it considers the relative value that procedural justice should be given against other important ends. In doing so, it proposes that procedural justice is a fundamental feature of fair and effective climate institutions. Finally, it considers what this means for climate institutions in practice by determining a set of pragmatic policy prescriptions that can guide the design of climate governance institutions.

Climate change is one of the most pressing issues of our time, and for long nation-states and international agreements have been in focus in the search of solutions. Yet, this approach to climate change action is becoming increasingly contested and the focus has in part been turned to other types of actors, such as actors from other levels of governance. A polycentric governance system is one of the new approaches posed for climate change governance. Through this governance system such actors are emphasized and the collaboration and cooperation between them, horizontally and vertically, is in focus. In this thesis the aim is to analyze two different alliances, one of city governments and one of regional governments. These two alliances are then positioned in relation to the polycentric system of governance. A frame analysis is used to investigate the alliances’ respective framings in order to identify how they position themselves within such a system. Reports and official documents by the alliances are used as material for the analysis. The results show that these two actors’ frames are similar in many ways. Their focus lays on the importance of the level of governance that they represent, as well as collaboration and cooperation with various types of actors. Proving their compatibility with the polycentric governance system theory.

This thesis is using the idea that climate change is a product of discourses. It puts focus on the knowledge creation of particular climate change governance. This thesis aims to identify the discursive articulations of carbon trading in the Czech EU ETS. Environmental discourses, informed by M. Foucaults governmentality concept, have an impact on how climate change is rendered governable. Discourse analysis of the Czech EU ETS uses governmentality lens to detect fields of visibility, technical aspects, forms of knowledge and formations of identities of the particular environmental discourse to uncover, how the EU ETS is translated into the national level and how does it hold together.

The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol has been hailed as the grand compromise of the North-South divide over climate change mitigation for its ability to reconcile the economic demands of the North with the developmental needs of the South. Having been primarily analyzed from isolated economic, environmental, or developmental perspectives, the CDMs efficacy in bridging the North-South divide remains poorly understood. This research evaluates the CDM against three qualitative criteria focused on issues affecting Southern nations participation in international agreements. An examination of distributive and procedural issues characterizing the CDM shows that significant trade-offs exist between Northern and Southern interests under the CDM and suggests that the interests of the South are often sacrificed. On this basis, conclusions are drawn which point to the need for increased attention to and accommodation of Southern interests in the CDM specifically, and global climate change efforts more broadly.

The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol has been hailed as the grand compromise of the North-South divide over climate change mitigation for its ability to reconcile the economic demands of the North with the developmental needs of the South. Having been primarily analyzed from isolated economic, environmental, or developmental perspectives, the CDM’s efficacy in bridging the North-South divide remains poorly understood. This research evaluates the CDM against three qualitative criteria focused on issues affecting Southern nations’ participation in international agreements. An examination of distributive and procedural issues characterizing the CDM shows that significant trade-offs exist between Northern and Southern interests under the CDM and suggests that the interests of the South are often sacrificed. On this basis, conclusions are drawn which point to the need for increased attention to and accommodation of Southern interests in the CDM specifically, and global climate change efforts more broadly.

In the face of climate change, our planet is going through unprecedented changes, making international governance and cooperation on this issue a necessity. Recent studies indicate that the window to act to stay within the 1.5 °C target of the Paris Agreement has narrowed, and that strong and urgent action is needed. Furthermore, there are indicators that Sweden will not reach its national emission reduction goal of net zero emissions by 2045. Many researchers point to the Paris Agreement's increased focus on non-state actors as contributors to climate change governance, and their ability to 'bridge the gap' between current actions and the actions needed to limit global warming. Businesses and the private sector are prominent non-state actors because of their financial and technological power. Hence, this study investigated how Swedish climate change initiatives that gather companies can assist with the transition to net zero emissions by 2045. Utilizing a mixed methods research design, this study has conducted both a survey as well as several in-depth interviews to investigate how climate change initiatives are perceived to affect member companies to reduce their emissions. It also explored the larger impact of climate change initiatives on non-members and society. The findings show that the main influence of climate change initiatives happens through lobbying. Lobbying is both described as one of the main reasons behind companies joining an initiative, as well as where climate change initiatives are perceived to have the largest impact. Furthermore, the study found that participation in initiatives may lead companies to reformulate their internal reduction targets into being more ambitious. It is, however, difficult to determine whether participation leads to actual emission reductions. Finally, climate change initiatives may also lead to impact further down the value chain of a company and facilitate knowledge sharing both internally and externally.

Non-state actors, such as international environmental organisations, business associations and indigenous peoples organisations, increasingly take on governance functions that can influence the delivery of global public goods. This thesis examines the roles of these actors in the field of global climate change governance. Specifically, the thesis examines why and how non-state actors are involved in global climate change governance, the governance activities that they may perform and are perceived to perform, and their views on climate change solutions. The thesis also discusses the implications of their roles for how authority is shared between states and non-state actors in global climate change governance. The research questions are addressed by triangulating several empirical methods. The results show that the roles of non-state actors are continuously evolving and depend on the changing nature of relations between state and non-state actors as well as efforts by non-state actors to expand their policy space by justifying and seeking recognition for their participation. Moreover, the findings point to the importance of differentiating between groups of non-state actors, as they represent diverse interests and have different comparative advantages across governance activities. Which non-state actors participate and to what extent therefore has implications for the effects of their involvement in global climate change governance. On the basis of a systematic assessment of a set of non-state actors, this thesis concludes that the key role-categories of non-state actors in global climate change governance are broadly: shapers of information and ideas, brokers of knowledge, norms and initiatives, and doers of implementing policies and influencing behaviours. Different non-state actors carry out activities within these role-categories to different extents. In addition to the empirical mapping of the roles of non-state actors in global climate change governance, this thesis contributes to two strands in the literature: one theoretical focusing on the authority and legitimacy of non-state actors in global environmental governance, and the other methodological, offering a toolbox that combines survey data with qualitative methods. / Icke-statliga aktörer, exempelvis internationella miljöorganisationer, näringslivsorganisationer och ursprungsbefolkningsorganisationer, fyller alltmer framträdande funktioner i den globala klimatstyrningen. Dessa organisationer kan därmed påverka utformningen av globala kollektiva nyttigheter. Denna avhandling undersöker dessa aktörers roller inom den globala klimatstyrningen. Avhandlingen utforskar varför och på vilket sätt icke-statliga aktörer deltar i den globala klimatstyrningen, uppfattningar om vilka styraktiviteter de utför, och ifall de bidrar till en mer pluralistisk syn på klimatproblematikens lösningar. I avhandlingen diskuteras vilka konsekvenser de icke-statliga aktörernas roller har för hur auktoritet delas mellan stater och icke-statliga aktörer i den globala klimatpolitiken. Forskningsfrågorna behandlas genom att triangulera flera empiriska metoder. Resultaten från dessa undersökningar visar att de icke-statliga aktörernas roller utvecklas kontinuerligt och att dynamiken dels beror på den skiftande relationen mellan statliga och icke-statliga aktörer, dels på de icke-statliga aktörernas egna ansträngningar att öka sitt politiska handlingsutrymme och få erkännande för sitt deltagande. Dessutom pekar resultaten på vikten av att skilja mellan olika grupper av icke-statliga aktörer, eftersom de representerar skilda intressen och har komparativa fördelar i olika styraktiviteter. En konsekvens av detta är att det spelar roll vilka grupper av icke-statliga aktörer som ges tillträde till den internationella klimatdiplomatin. Baserat på en systematisk  bedömning av vad några av de icke-statliga aktörerna anses göra, dras slutsatsen att de viktigaste rollkategorierna som icke-statliga aktörer har är: formare av information och idéer, mäklare av kunskap, normer och initiativ, och görare genom att bidra till implementering och påverka beteenden, men att olika icke-statliga aktörer utför dessa roller i olika utsträckning. Utöver den empiriska kartläggningen av icke-statliga aktörers roller i den globala klimatstyrningen, bidrar avhandlingen dels till den teoretiska litteraturen kring icke-statliga aktörers auktoritet och legitimitet inom den globala miljöstyrningen, dels metodologiskt genom att utveckla analysverktyg som kombinerar enkätdata med kvalitativa metoder.

This research provides policy-relevant insights into how a mass-scale, equitable transition to the use of Advanced Biomass (cook) Stoves (ABSs) can be achieved in India, with the aim of improving public health, especially for women and children. The research uses socio-technical systems to provide a characterisation of transition processes, and governance to explain issues of power influencing transition. A review of previous government cook-stove programmes in India and China highlights governance shortcomings in the former, in particular a lack of functional links between layers of administration and poor engagement with community institutions and cooks. Primary data from West Bengal and Karnataka highlighted sophisticated, skilful, flexible and culturally context specific cooking practices. Reasons for apparent low demand for improved stoves, characterised as lock-in, are found to include a combination of risk aversion and habits, lack of affordability, low awareness of the health consequences, as well as a mis-match between the normative priorities of policy makers – currently health- and those of cooks. It is found that the majority of polluting emissions within households - as well as greenhouse gases - from cooking derive from poorer households. A sectoral carbon offset strategy is proposed as a means of funding subsidies for ABSs and programme support measures. Several large corporations have invested significant sums in technology development, community outreach and dissemination, resulting in sales of over 600,000 ABSs. Reasons for their involvement appear mixed. Their market-based activities have generally not reached poor households and there are questions about their ability to build viable businesses in this highly dispersed and heterogeneous sector. A fundamental dichotomy is highlighted between large, centralised cooking programmes and the diverse, complex and changing reality of cooking activities, beliefs and behaviours on the ground. The research concludes that functional multi-level and multi-actor governance structures would be required to achieve a mass-scale transition to clean cooking using ABSs, with a lead role for the public sector. A key component of future success will involve building structures that ensure the agency of cooks and account for their socio-cultural cooking practices in the processes of technology and programme design and implementation.