This thesis examines the role played by protest song in the development of the political culture of Germany’s industrial working class between 1844 and 1933. Protest song was an integral component in the struggle of the German working class to achieve some measure of political and social equality in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Throughout this period, the working class found itself subjected to varying levels of political repression by the German authorities, and in order to promote their political views, industrial workers used the medium of song to protest against injustice. The thesis seeks to determine the significance of protest song for the political development of the German industrial working class through an analysis of song lyrics. The study of working-class protest song lyrics has largely been the preserve of historians from the former German Democratic Republic, where scholarship was shaped by the unique political imperatives of history writing under the Communist regime. This thesis seeks to redress the historiographical imbalance that this approach engendered, arguing that protest song produced under the auspices of the Social Democrats was both a culturally valid and politically significant feature of German working-class political life, albeit one that offered a different ideological approach to that of the overtly revolutionary output of the Communist movement. Additionally this thesis will acknowledge that working-class song was not merely used as an instrument of protest, but also as a medium to communicate political ideology. Protest song was an integral part of the cultural capital of the working class milieu, creating a distinct canon upon which German industrial workers drew in a variety of political, social and cultural situations. This study will engage with this canon in order to establish how the cultural practice of singing endowed working-class protest songs with an intrinsic political significance.

In connection with the new direction of cultural policy in Czechoslovakia, the Ministry of Education, led by Zdeněk Nejedlý, began to support the promotion of so-called classics in all spheres of art production in the so-called period of the Third Republic. In the early 1950s, numerous personalities were defined in individual disciplines, whose work met the ideas of socialist realism, and thus it was desirable to promote them. Part of this targeted propaganda was the filming of biographical films, or eventually the conversion of their work into a film screen. Despite the liberalization of ideological pressures in the 1960s, the genre of the biography remained popular, but the art component was considerably strengthened at the expense of the educational one. The aim of this diploma thesis is to reveal a circle of personalities whose life or work has been the subject of film adaptations, and based on several selected examples (to be refined during the work) to reconstruct the film image of their life and its transformation in the period under review.

The onset of the Depression Era in the United States re-energized the Communist Party. Communists gained new support from the unemployed and indigent, as well as from various institutionally repressed social groups. That new energy was met by a resurgence of ardent anticommunism from establishment leaders indicative of the Red Scare following the First World War. The debate over communism quickly engulfed the nation. It played out, sometimes violently, in cities and towns across the United States. This thesis examines that debate at the local level. Using one Midwestern industrial center, East St. Louis, Illinois as the case study, it attempts to complicate the larger narrative of communism and anticommunism in the United States, and strives to provide new context for both the methods and motivations of the Communist Party and its supporters, as well as opposing establishment figures. This framework, though innovative, is not unprecedented. Historians have examined communism at the grassroots level in the United States for the past few decades. However, these case studies differ in that they overwhelming tend to focus on large metropolises that posses a unique history for the national party and its leaders. By exploring the debate over communism in a smaller urban center that lacked a CP presence before the Depression, this thesis seeks to provide new depth into both the history of communism and anticommunism in the United States, and the actions and motivations of many everyday Americans whose lives had been radically changed after the economic crash.

The object of the thesis was to build a portrait of a local peace movement in order to contrast and compare it with existing descriptions of the peace movement written from a national perspective. The Sheffield Peace Movement is examined from the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Great War to the disestablishment and reformation of the Sheffield Trades and Labour Council in 1940 as a result of its support for the anti-war line taken by the Communist Party of Great Britain. The peace movement is treated holistically. Political, religious and other organisations associated with it are discussed alongside groups specifically devoted to the issues of peace. These various strands are followed through from the impulse to unity which existed after the successful operation of the Peace Ballot, through the fundamental division between pacifist and pacificist outlooks which began with the War in Abyssinia, to the final split of the movement when its large pacificist majority accepted the necessity for war with Germany. The character of local peace movements, it is suggested, depended very much on the political, social and economic context in which they flourished. The history of the Sheffield movement is characterised by competition between three groups for its leadership. The Labour Party dominated its political relationships but is scarcely to be understood without reference to Communistinspired efforts to form a Popular Front of socialist and liberal groups. The Anglican Church leadership provided a strand of pacificism difficult to distinguish from defencism but nevertheless crucial to the position of the majority of the movement at the outbreak of war, while Nonconformism dominated the city's pacifism. Despite the strength of both these party political and religious influences, however, the League of Nations Union led the Sheffield movement during two key periods. The growth of the pacificist consensus, which at a national level saw the formation of a coalition spanning both right and left of British politics, is a stronger theme in Sheffield than the move of the minority pacifist wing into absolutism. The impact of a new "realism" on the "utopian" theories of the first decade and a half after the Great War is generally to be found in the move from the quasi-pacifism of the early thirties, which found expression on the Left in Sheffield in the policy of working-class war-resistance, to the rather crude version of League of Nations inspired Collective Security embodied in the mutual defence pacts and guarantees sought by Britain after March 1939. The ideological complexion of Sheffield's Left-wing and its importance in the deliberations of the Sheffield Trades and Labour Council ensured that, overlaying the general move towards pacificism, were a number of specific objections to aspects of the "realist" policies espoused by the national Labour leadership rooted in Communist Party policy and opposition to Chamberlain's National Government. The superficial similarities between communist objections to specific aspects of war preparations and the policies of the pacifist rump of the peace movement gave the impression that Sheffield was a centre of opposition to the war. The fundamental division between the pacificist and pacifist approaches ensured. however, that these two groups, the only remaining anti-war elements of the Sheffield movement after October 1939, never entered a formal alliance. The Communist Left remained wedded to interaction with working class groups while the remaining pacifists became isolated and increasingly quietist under the relentless pressure of the pro-war majority including their former pacificist colleagues in the peace movement.

This thesis will be concerned with articulating and defending a form of realist social theory entitled "emergentist Marxism". As such its principal objective is less to investigate or review the voluminous literature on "social realism" and more to show the ways in which Marxian social theory can be legitimately "constructed" as a specific "materialistic" application of ontological and methodological realism in the human sciences. The significance of this research is that it functions simultaneously as a contribution to the social science component of Roy Bhaskar's philosophical realism and as a Marxist commentary upon and perhaps intervention against it. The latter is less certain, however, because Bhaskar's depth realism appears to be consistent with the form of anti-reductive materialism defended here. "Realism" or "emergentism" refers to an ontological position denoting a stratified social world of irreducible levels, of which persons, practices and structures are the most fundamental, all of which are efficacious by virtue of the properties and powers which pertain to each of them. "Materialism" denotes the ontological position that the material structures of social systems vertically explain social and cultural structures without "explaining them away". Thus "emergentist Marxism" is an anti-reductive socio-historical ontological materialism and attendant dialectical realist method. Translated into practical social research, it is applied concretely here to the task of theorising the interface between the properties and powers which pertain to human agents and those which pertain to social structures in shaping the constitution and dynamics of social systems.

Nos primeiros anos após a Segunda Guerra a sociedade estadunidense mergulhou em uma campanha de combate ao comunismo. Diversas manifestações políticas e culturais responderam aos anseios trazidos pela Guerra Fria. O cinema de Hollywood, tendo sua importância como meio de propaganda reconhecida, participou ativamente dessa campanha. Assim, analisamos cinco obras do cinema hollywoodiano produzidas nesses primeiros anos da Guerra Fria, que operaram como propagandas anticomunista, Big Jim McLain, I Was a Communist for The FBI, The Woman on Pier 13, My Son John e Red Planet Mars. Buscou-se, a partir das análises, discutir as mensagens expressas por essas obras, levantando suas influências e construções. As diferentes representações do enfrentamento contra o comunismo nas obras, nos apontaram como conveniente uma divisão das discussões em três eixos temáticos: a representação das ações do Estado, da família e da religião, na luta anticomunista. A partir dessas discussões percebemos a pluralidade de inquietações sociais da época, que acabaram por ser mobilizadas e, possivelmente, reforçadas a partir da propaganda produzida pelo cinema. Para tanto, examinamos de que maneira as obras lidaram com as inquietações sociais e escolhas ideológicas em sua criação estética, na representação do inimigo comunista. Nesse intento percebemos que olhares simplificadores e limitados não poderiam explicar as motivações e os resultados dessa campanha anticomunista empreendida pelo cinema de Hollywood. As relações entre suas construções e as discussões de diversos setores sociais no período, nos revelam a complexidade do processo que levou os Estados Unidos ao cenário de repressão e supressão de direitos nos primeiros anos da Guerra Fria, o macarthismo. / In the early years after World War II the United States society plunged into an anti-communist campaign. Several political and cultural manifestations responded to the concerns brought about by the Cold War. The Hollywood cinema had its importance as a means of propaganda recognized and actively participated in this campaign. So, we analyzed five movies of Hollywood cinema, produced in the early years of the Cold War, which operated as anti-communist propaganda, Big Jim McLain, I Was a Communist for The FBI, The Woman on Pier 13, My Son John e Red Planet Mars. We made a discussion about the messages expressed by these works, exposing his influences and constructions. The different representations of confrontation against communism in the movies indicated us an appropriate division of the discussions on three thematic axes: the representation of state, family and religion actions in the anti-communist fight. From these discussions we perceived the plurality of social anxieties of this era, which were eventually mobilized and, possibly, reinforced from the propaganda produced by the cinema. For this end, we examine how the movies worked with the social anxieties and ideological choices in their aesthetic creation, in the representation of the communist enemy. In this intent we perceived that simplistic and limited views could not explain the reasons and the results of anti-communist campaign waged by the Hollywood cinema. The relations between its constructions and the discussions of various social sectors in the period reveal the complexity of the process that led the United States to the scene of repression and suppression of rights in the early years of the Cold War, the McCarthyism.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Magister Artium - MA / Between the 1917 Russian Revolution and demise of the Soviet Union, the communist Other, as godless deviant and arch enemy of the capitalist state, inhabited a specific space in the minds and imaginations of much of the Western world. S/he was one to be feared, one to be guarded against, and if possible, one to be suppressed by political, ideological, or military means. Such conditions contributed to the widespread suppression and banning of communist and communist aligned organisations. In South Africa this coincided with the rise of Afrikaner nationalism, and the consolidation and reconfiguration of 'white' supremacy in the form of apartheid. After a marginal National Party (NP) victory in 1948, the Suppression of Communism Act (1950) and the 'Rooi Gevaar' became synonymous with dissent and revolution within and beyond the apartheid state. For example, it was on these grounds that a series of high profile political trials – the Treason, Rivonia, and Fischer Trials – would be fought and lost on the first occasion. Each trial was based upon the assertion that the accused were communists or involved in a Soviet conspiracy that intended to depose the apartheid government through violent revolution. Conversely, communism is now popularly invoked in relation to narratives of struggle and the ‘triumph of the human spirit over adversity', in which new and now old allies defeated the evil of apartheid, and ushered in an era of freedom, democracy, and reconciliation. As a result, communism and the SACP (the dominant political organisation associated with communism) have been incorporated into national histories that narrate the African National Congress' (ANC's) struggle and victory over apartheid, which culminated in Nelson Mandela and other political leaders returning to supposedly fulfil their destiny by ‘freeing the people’ from totalitarian rule.Having said this, I argue that the suppression of communism goes far beyond the limiting horizons of popularised political and ideological discourse, or indeed, violent acts of torture and murder directed towards those deemed to be a threat to the ‘nation’. In other words, debates surrounding communism are not merely representative of the state’s oppressive policies towards anti-apartheid activists, the global conflict between capitalism and communism, or popular narratives of suffering and struggle against apartheid. Alternatively, they were (and are) intimately linked with a nation-building project which, unlike violence sanctioned by the state or reconciled – at least on the surface – through symbolic acts like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), has been difficult to exorcise, come to terms with, and diminish in the contemporary. Put another way, although communism is intrinsically associated with the class struggle and class politics in South Africa, it was in fact driven by and interwoven with racist ideologies upon which apartheid and British colonialism before that were founded. With these debates in mind, this mini-thesis will attempt to remove communism from conventional discourses and re-place it within debates surrounding nation-building, and the formation of different subjectivities. This will be carried out not only as an attempt to "overcome the limitations of ideology" and further deconstruct legacies of oppression and violence, but also to think with the ways in which different groups perceive, mobilise and appropriate ideology as a means to foreclose resistance and reaffirm and maintain nationalist hierarchies of power within society. This mini-thesis will begin by exploring the ways in which communism has been perceived in South Africa. More specifically, it will consider how the idea of communism was mobilised and appropriated in relation to apartheid's nation-building project. It will also thematically engage with the ways in which mythologies surrounding communism traversed the supposedly rational and irrational worlds, and, in the latter stages of this mini-thesis, will attempt to develop an argument – using Bram Fischer as subject – based upon Jacques Derrida’s notion of the communist spectre, and the importance of the messianic or, more importantly, the prophet in history. / Centre for Humanities Research (CHR), University of the Western Cape

No description available.

L’impression d'être en présence d'une oeuvre à tendance communiste, se dégage à la première lecture des romans révolutionnaires d'André Malraux. II n'est pas cependant possible sans une tentative d'analyse plus approfondie de juger dans quelle mesure cette idée est exacte et dans quelle mesure ces romans appartiennent à la pensée marxiste. Une connaissance si sommaire soit-elle des principes de base du communisme est indispensable pour évaluer la valeur ou le contenu de l'idéologie marxiste dans cette oeuvre romanesque et établir des points de comparaisons utiles. Le marxisme ayant changé d'interprétation suivant qu'il était soumis à I'influence de Lénine, de Trotsky ou de Staline, ce dernier imposant son point de vue pendant un quart de siècle, seules devront être retenues les grandes lignes sur lesquelles un accord théorique a pu se faire. L’aspect non marxiste de l'oeuvre soit être souligné et mis en evidence. Les témoignages des critiques : Gaétan Picon, Boisdeffre, Mounier et Léon Trotsky, etc...sont de toute première importance. Une étude de chaque roman permettra néanmoins de mieux dégager l’attitude politique des héros et de porter un jugement plus précis sur le communisme dans cette oeuvre. Il ressort de cette étude que les héros de Malraux ne sont pas strictement dans la ligne d'action du parti. Incapable d'appliquer la dialectique,ils ne croient ni au sens de l1histoire ni en la valeur de la lutte qu'ils mènent avec le prolétariat contre la société capitaliste. En troisième lieu, on constate le soubassement, la base marxiste, sur laquelle se construit l'action des romans : Les Conquérants, La Condition Humaine, Le Temps du Mépris. Il est également possible de se persuader que les héros agissent dans l'ensemble en bons communistes même s'ils ne présentent pas une orthodoxie parfaite. La date à laquelle ces romans ont été écrits et celle des événements où se situe l'action, représentant la période de transition de la doctrine, il est donc difficile d'affirmer qu'ils ne sont pas marxistes. Si l'auteur fait preuve d'une bonne connaissance de la tactique et des méthodes communistes, s'il fait toute commune avec eux, il est impossible de ne pas déceler un changement d'attitude que marque nettement son roman "L'Espoir" avec la guerre d'Espagne. Il a appris que la Russie soviétique n'était pas l'incarnation de son rêve, que les communistes n'avaient pas créé la fraternité humaine qu'il recherchait. C'est en consacrant plus d'attention à l'étude des differénts aspects de l'évolution du communisme en Russie, dans un sens qui ne correspond pas aux aspirations de Malraux, que l'on peut sentir qu'il s'en détache. En conclusion, la position présente d'André Malraux dont l'analyse est fournie par ses déclarations dans l'”Adresse aux Intellectuels" de 1948, montre qu'il n'a pas changé. Il ne renie rien de son passé, de son action, de sa lutte. Son espoir a été trahi et il est devenu l'ennemi implacable de ceux qui se réclament être les héritiers des généraux en veste de cuir, compagnons de lutte de Vladimir Lénine. / Arts, Faculty of / French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of / Graduate