This paper intends to show the application of the Marxist theory of social evolution to the reconstruction of Magyar proto-history and it examines critically this application. E. Molnar, a Hungarian Marxist proto-historian, published a book under the title A Magyar Nep Ostortenete (proto-History of the Magyar People). This work is shown to represent a Marxist response to the ideological importance of proto-historical studies in Hungary. The argument developed in this paper is as follows: 1. The study of proto-history has been important in Hungary scientifically as well as ideologically. Molnar's attempted reconstruction of Magyar proto-history is a most important Marxist response to the scientific and ideological importance of Hungarian proto-historical studies. 2. The application of this Marxist theory of social evolution makes for bad anthropological theory. Molnar is forced by his Marxist persuasion to look for traces of proto-Communistic social organization in the proto-history of the Magyars, and his attempt to do so results in the formulation of some hypotheses that are not borne out by available evidence. 3. American anthropology is not a unified, and codified set of officially endorsed theories as Molnar implies. Even among American evolutionist anthropologists one finds significant differences in approach and emphasis. At the same time, some aspects of American evolutionist anthropology are seen as capable of providing better ways of approaching the problem of proto-historical reconstruction than Molnar's own Marxist doctrine. Molnar's argument is presented in some detail in this paper. His arguments are outlined and commented upon. His linguistic, physical anthropological, archeological and ethnographic material is discussed and interpreted, and his dependence upon Engels and Soviet anthropologists is indicated. The final conclusion of the paper is that the Marxist theory of social evolution as interpreted by Molnar is based on a set of a priori laws which are not validated by the available evidence. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

The peasant movement that swept China in the mid 1920's originated in Kwangtung Province in 1922 when P'eng P'ai organized peasant unions in Haifeng hsien. The unions spread into neighboring hsien, but not until 1924, following the reorganization of the Kuomintang and its alliance with the Chinese Communist Party and the subsequent creation of the Peasant Bureau and Peasant Institute, did the peasant movement spread throughout the province. The peasant unions grew rapidly and by June 1927 they had enrolled perhaps 700,000 members. The very explosiveness of the movement's development and the increasingly violent tactics used by peasant organizers to mobilize the peasants aggravated a growing rift between factions within the Kuomintang. This rift led to the collapse of the United Front of the KMT and CCP and destroyed the peasant movement. Beginning in June 1926 counter-revolutionary forces attacked the unions. Peasant forces that survived these first onslaughts were crushed by regular Kuomintang troops in 1927 and 1928. This thesis is an examination of the peasant movement in Kwangtung from 1922 to 1928, and it seeks to explain why the movement ended in failure. To answer this question various characteristics of seven regions within the province are discussed, providing the material for an analysis (that appears in Chapter III) of why some regions organized peasant unions more successfully than others. The second chapter traces where and when unions developed and how strong they became. The third and concluding chapter of the thesis compares and contrasts the material presented in the preceding chapters, and it concludes that not only the breakdown of the United Front doomed the Kwangtung peasant movement to failure, but that the strength of the local, traditional society determined how successful the unions would be. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Political scientists generally recognize two explanations of the extensive peasant support which the Chinese Communist Party acquired in North China during the so-called "Yenan Period" of 1937-1945. One theory posits that the North Chinese peasants gave their allegiance and support to the Chinese Communists at this time because the Communists were the only force resisting the Japanese invasion and occupation of North China; the second theory claims that the peasants supported the Communists because Communist agrarian reforms at this time liberated the peasants from centuries of poverty and class exploitation. Unfortunately, the sharp debate which has taken place between the adherents of these two theories has tended to obscure the search for additional explanations of Communist growth during the Yenan Period. Reliable Communist sources and economic surveys indicate that in two key Communist base areas, the "peasant nationalism" and "agrarian revolution" theories do not explain pre-1940 Communist growth as well as they explain post-1940 Communist growth — additional research on the growth of Communist political authority prior to 1940 is needed. This thesis contends that a comparison of the public behaviour of the Communist armies with that of the warlord armies which preceded them in North China helps explain why Communist rule was accepted by so many peasants during the years 1937-1940. Rape, looting, terror, and crushing military taxes were common fare for the millions of North Chinese peasants who lived under warlord rule from the death of Yuan Shih-k'ai in 1916 until the Japanese invasion in 1937, In contrast, the Communist armies were indoctrinated against molestation of the peasantry, and made every effort to help the peasants economically rather than burden them. The peasants were favorably impressed by the virtuous behaviour of the Communist soldiers, and gave their backing to the political movement these soldiers represented. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The study is an examination of struggles over socialist construction in China between the Tenth National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1973 and the arrests of the so-called "gang of four" in 1976. It analyzes the content of debates, the context in which they occurred and policies implemented during the period. The study is based upon materials collected while living in China, observations during participation in various political movements of the period, and on materials from the Chinese print and broadcast media. The dissertation analyzes struggles over industrial development and organization, science and technology policy, rural development, and the role of the education system in socialist society. Issues debated included worker participation in management, cadre participation in labor, labor remuneration policies, the role of scientists and technicians in the production process, the importation of advanced technology, the relationship between scientific theory and Marxism-Leninism, structural and ideological changes in the modernization of agriculture, access to higher education and the role of intellectuals in socialist society. These debates are analyzed from the perspective of Marxian theory. From this analysis the study concludes that in spite of the formal appearance of a debate, genuine and open discussion of policy alternatives and concrete results did not in fact occur. There were a number of conceptions, widely held in China during the mid-seventies, which it is argued were a central factor in thwarting the emergence of real debate. These include the concept of the role of the Communist Party as the "core of leadership" in all spheres of social life, the notion of the "continuation of class struggle" in socialist society, misinterpretation of the relationship between the forces and relations of production in the process of development, misunderstanding of the means by which the division of labor can be transcended and misunderstanding of the nature of Chinese society. The study challenges these conceptions from the point of view of Marxian theory and traces the role they played in the distortion of the debates and the suppression of alternative viewpoints. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

Spurred by recent developments in the history of emotions, this thesis looks at the place of emotion and irrationality in socialist political philosophy. I give particular attention to the shifting ways that socialists depicted the emotions of revolution. I argue that socialists had a complicated understanding of human nature, drawing on various philosophical discourses and scientific theories to grasp the ‘irrational’ and to relate it to the socialist project. Building on philosophies of ‘the passions’ developed by G.W.F. Hegel and Charles Fourier, Karl Marx sought to grasp the multi-faceted emotional forces of human nature and critique the primacy of acquisitiveness in liberal thought. During the British ‘socialist revival’ of the 1880s and 1890s, theorists like William Morris and E. Belfort Bax sought to follow Marx’s critique of self-interest. They pushed the passion known as ‘sympathy’, ‘solidarity’ or ‘fellowship’ to the fore as an integral and universal source of socialist feeling, which drove the struggle against inhuman conditions of late-Victorian capitalism. Darwinian thinking about the instincts and emotions challenged this ethical conception of ‘the passions’, and socialists sought to reframe the critique of capitalism around biological categories. They emphasised such concepts as the ‘social instinct’ of Karl Pearson and William Trotter’s ‘herd instinct’ to account for the natural need for sociability and the damaging artificiality of economic egoism. The industrial ‘Great Unrest’ of 1910-14, the First World War, and the Russian Revolution of 1917 spurred socialists to an examination of the emotions driving struggle between classes and nations. In the years after the Russian Revolution, the theories of Leninism, instinct theory, and Freudian psychoanalysis shared a moment of intense interest among British socialists. Both opponents of the Bolshevik regime like Bertrand Russell, and defenders of the Soviet state in the new Communist Party of Great Britain like Cedar and Eden Paul, drew on the so-called New Psychology to understand the meaning of 1917, to predict the direction of the revolution, and to inform their own approaches to socialism.

By engaging with ‘realism’ in the context of Socialist Realism in Bulgaria, a notion that inhabits the space in between fine art, ideology and art history, this practice-based research offers new insight into the examination of continuities between fine art during Communism and post-Communism, exploring the relationship between the abstract and the figurative and their functioning both within, and exceeding, the pictorial space of painting. The two main research questions that inform the studio work and underpin this study have been: How can art practice explore the official representations of Socialist Realism in post-Communist Bulgaria in the axis between photography and painting? How can this process affect an understanding of the relationship between abstract and figurative painting within the context of ‘realism’ of Socialist Realism and contemporary fine art in the country? By focusing on these research questions, this study conceptualises the relationship between the abstract and the figurative in the context of Socialist Realism in fine art in Bulgaria and its official representations after the collapse of the Communist regime. This relationship marked one of the central oppositions in fine art during the Communist era in the country, often constituting a dividing line between what was considered ‘acceptable’ and ‘unacceptable’ art. This study is concerned with the differences in the definitions of ‘realism’ within Socialist Realism in Bulgaria over the years, differences which may be considered as ruptures in its development. Yet it acknowledges these differences within the framework imposed by the Communist ideology. The latter remained unchangeable, yet had a determining impact on the development of fine art throughout the Communist period. Furthermore, the study explores how fragments of this framework are transferred into the post-Communist period, and how they function in state-funded institutional representations of Socialist Realist works and in examples of former ‘official’ artists’ works, as well as in the readings of Socialist Realism after the fall of the Communist regime, readings which fluctuate between the oppositions of ‘official or unofficial’ art, praise or disavowal of Socialist Realism. In order to explore both the ruptures and the continuities, the research looks at Socialist Realism and its specificities in Bulgaria in relation to Socialist Realism in fine art in the Soviet Union and other post-Communist countries in Eastern Europe. The relationship between the abstract and the figurative is situated within this context and explored through a series of transformations of photographic sources into paintings. These transformations are performed by my practice, engaging with the photographic sources’ production, dissemination and display in relation to ‘realism’ in Socialist Realism.

Orientador: José Luis Sanfelice / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-28T14:16:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes_AguinaldoRodrigues_D.pdf: 19178032 bytes, checksum: 068f66136d15a5a19cfcde3ddf684e0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Objetivamos na presente tese analisar os efeitos das transformações econômicas ocorridas na região centro-oeste do Brasil no período compreendido entre 1964 e 1985. No entanto, retrocedemos um pouco para compreender como as metas políticas de Vargas e Juscelino, responsáveis respectivamente pela Marcha para o Oeste e pela industrialização do país, influenciaram na constituição do golpe de 1964. Esclarecemos que, do ponto de vista teórico-metodológico, buscamos nos referenciar no marxismo heterodoxo, dialogando com autores como Hobsbawm, Thompson, Gramsci e Williams. A documentação central utilizada no trabalho trata-se de um inquérito policial militar (IPM), convertido em processo-crime instaurado contra o professor comunista Enio Cabral em 1964, mas foram utilizadas também outras fontes, tais como: a revista Brasil-Oeste, documentos do PCB e entrevistas do réu e do juiz do caso analisado. Procuramos compreender, por meio da pesquisa, o processo de modernização da região centro-oeste e seu imbricamento com o nacional-desenvolvimentismo e a Marcha para o Oeste, com intuito de compreender como esse conservadorismo no plano econômico e social influenciou também a política e a educação e produziu na região condições para a sustentação de regimes autoritários. Para tanto, primeiramente procuramos apresentar o sujeito da pesquisa, focalizando sua origem social, formação escolar e seus primeiros contatos com as ideias do PCB. Em seguida, buscamos esmiuçar a ideia de uma modernização conservadora a partir do diálogo com as fontes, principalmente a partir da revista Brasil-Oeste, e com a historiografia que discutiu o tema da ditadura na região sul do Mato Grosso. Posteriormente, apresentamos alguns aspectos da educação no contexto da ditadura, demonstrando como os professores foram alvo da perseguição dos militares, relacionando aos acontecimentos que se passaram na cidade de Aquidauana. Finalmente, buscamos visualizar como o Estado e seus representantes compreenderam de maneira contraditória as ações de Enio e dos demais comunistas daquele período a partir do debate travado entre acusação e defesa, entendendo-os como uma disputa, não meramente jurídica, mas sim entre dois projetos contraditórios de sociedade, ou seja, entre capitalistas e socialistas / Abstract: We aim in this thesis to analyze the effects of economic transformations in the Midwest region of Brazil, between the years 1964 to 1985. However, retreat a while in time to understand how the political objectives of Vargas and Juscelino, respectively responsible for the March far West and the industrialization of the country, influenced the constitution of the coup d¿état of 1964. We clarify so, from the theoretical-methodological point of view, we seek reference to the authors of unorthodox Marxism, dialoguing with authors like Hobsbawm, Thompson, Gramsci and Williams. The central documentation used at work is a military police investigation (IPM), converted to process crime brought against the communist teacher Enio Cabral in 1964, but were also used other sources such as the Brazil-West Magazine (Revista Brasil-Oeste), PCB documents and interviews of the defendant and the Judge of the analyzed case. We tried to understand, through this research, the process of modernization of the Midwest and its interweaving with national developmentalism and the March far West, seeks to understand how this conservatism in economic and social plan also influenced the politics and education and produced in the region conditions for support of authoritarian regimes. Therefore, first we try to present the research subject, focusing on his social background, school education and his first contacts with the PCB ideas. Then, we seek to scrutinize the idea of a conservative modernization from the dialogue with the sources, mainly from Brazil-West magazine, and the historiography, which discussed the theme of dictatorship in southern Mato Grosso. After, we present some aspects of education in the context of dictatorship, demonstrating how the teachers were the object of persecution by the military, relating to the events that followed in Aquidauana city. Finally, we seek to visualize how the State and its representatives understood in contradictory ways the actions of Enio and other communists of that period from the locked debate between prosecution and defense, understanding them as a dispute, not merely legal, but between two contradictory projects of society, that is, between capitalists and socialists / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Doutor em Educação

The Pilgrimage to Velehrad and its significance during the Modern Era of Czech History The purpose of my thesis is to introduce pilgrimage as a phenomenon that can expose various discourses; strengthening and framing collective identity and manifesting various interest groups in the foreground of changeable historical contexts. To explain this religious tradition, I am using a concept of so called, 'social drama': Pilgrimage has a cohesive function as well as being a platform for social and political expression. With the help of archival sources, I focus on the pilgrimage to Velehrad in the period between the second half of the 19th Century and the latter period of the 20th. In the era of the Habsburg monarchy, we can see in Velehrad especially, a realization of the official state and church discourse in competition with nationally motivated tendencies for manifestation. During the First Czechoslovak Republic these events are used to present a newly Catholically based national identity under the influence of state and church. In the Communist era interest groups expressed their orientation against the state, but tendencies to manifest the ideology of the regime persisted unerringly in the background.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This is a study of the political culture of the Communist Party of the United States as seen through the activities and programs they organized for children. Beginning in the early 1920s Communist-organized children's activities were designed to transmit the values and ideology of the movement to, what they hoped, would be the next generation of radicals. These activities ranged from children's organizations, such as the Young Pioneers of America, to a variety of after-school programs, cultural groups, and summer camps. Through the use of oral historical sources as well as printed and manuscript documents, this study explores the ways participation in the Communist movement was an aspect of the activists daily lives, intertwined with their concerns about their families and communities. In providing for the education and socialization of their children, Communists confronted the issue of their own place within American culture. For many, that relationship was structured by their own immigrant backgrounds, and their interest in maintaining their ethnic culture in the face of Americanization. For others, it was the search for those aspects of the American tradition which would be compatable with their radical social and political beliefs. Embedded in these children's activities were a multiplicity of ideals for what a socialist United States would look like. In the programs they organized for children Communists expressed autopian spirit, which is common to all radical movements. Thus, Communists' ideas about the role of the family and the process of child-rearing, and their attempt to counter the hostile influences of public schools, established religion, and organizations such as the Boy Scouts reflected their concerns about the relationship between themselves and their children and between their families and American society. In the organizations and activities they created for their children the Communists expressed their view of their place in history and their hopes for the future. / 2031-01-01

This dissertation follows the historians of left politics in Bangladesh, a country that went through a century of independence and reversal under three signs–British India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. While the country kept reimagining itself under new identities, the idea of communism was underground and persecuted in all three periods, although the forms of struggle and the shape of ideas kept changing. This research is an ethnography of forms of writing history, the purchase of the celebration or censure of the work, and new socialities and rearranged hierarchies that emerge from this process. For a small but significant group of journalists, publishers, activists, and survivors, the project of arguing, understanding, documenting, writing down, and reenacting particular moments of Bangladesh history is a vital and presentist task.