Thesis (M.A.)--Zhongguo wen hua xue yuan. / Cover title. Reproduced from typescript. Includes bibliographical references (p. 193-197).

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 54-60). Also available in electronic version.

This paper is a study of the history of the Chinese Communists, what they stand for, how they attained power in China, their connection to Russia, and the dangers of their success.

No description available.

彭慶東. / "2002年8月21日" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (leaves 90-95) / 附中英文摘要. / "2002 nian 8 yue 21 ri" / Peng Qingdong. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 90-95) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Abstract --- p.i / 論文摘要 --- p.ii / Chapter 第一章 --- 論文簡介 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 毛澤東時期的左傾思想 --- p.19 / Chapter 第三章 --- 生產力理論 --- p.29 / Chapter 第四章 --- 社會主義市場經濟理論 --- p.43 / Chapter 第五章 --- 初級階段論 --- p.50 / Chapter 第六章 --- 所有制 --- p.58 / Chapter 第七章 --- 國有企業改革 --- p.72 / Chapter 第八章 --- 總結 --- p.79 / 參考書目 --- p.90

撰者陳萬雄. / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學,1975? / 參考文獻 (leaves 401-435). / zhuan zhe Chen Wanxiong. / Lun wen (shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue,1975? / Can kao wen xian (leaves 401-435). / 目　錄 / 引言 --- p.1-6 / Chapter （一） --- 陳獨秀之青少年時代及其教育 --- p.7-77 / Chapter （二） --- 陳獨秀在辛亥革命前期的活動（1902-1907）（上） --- p.78-180 / Chapter （三） --- 陳獨秀在辛亥革命前期的活動（1902-1907）（下） --- p.181-253 / Chapter （四） --- 陳獨秀在辛亥革命後期的活動（1927-1905） --- p.254-304 / Chapter （五） --- 新文化運動前陳獨秀的思想 --- p.305-374 / Chapter （六） --- 餘論 --- p.375-400 / 徵引書目 --- p.401-435

The Uighur issue is of vital regional and global security importance to China. Although minority separatists are not well armed and seem to be largely disorganized, the violence poses a very real threat to China's ability to develop Xinjiang. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP)'s behavior toward its Muslims has received renewed Western attention in the aftermath of 9/11. China's Uighurs have responded to CCP policies with violence and separatist activity, but the Hui (ethnic Chinese who are Muslim) have reacted with relatively high levels of accommodation. Some have blamed Uighur separatism on external influences (such as transnational terror) and Islam. However, the puzzle is, why do the Uighurs engage in separatism where the Hui do not? This study contributes to existing literature by directly comparing the Uighurs and Hui in order to determine the reasons behind Uighur separatism and Hui accommodation. This thesis argues that the Uighurs and Hui have faced different social and economic realities which have led to different perceptions of inequality and thus, different reactions to CCP policy. Also, unlike Uighur ethnic identity, Hui identity stems from and is compatible with the PRC and Chinese society. This study uses primary sources including interviews with Uighurs, Hui and Han Chinese conducted in western China during June and July of 2006.

The thesis concerns the administration of a major French city by a Communist municipality working under the conservative governments of the Fifth Republic from 1965 to 1980. It tries to answer two main questions: how far French municipalities were free to produce their own policy outputs independently of central government, and what the French Communist Party (PCF) sought to gain from its successes in local government during the 1960s and 1970s. Particular (though not exclusive) attention is given to urban and regional planning because it shows the long-run effects of Communist municipal policy; the extent to which the municipality established an ongoing working relationship with its partners, including the State authorities; and the extent to which the PCF managed to integrate the urban environment, as a new political issue, into its local strategy. The official Communist approach to local government is examined through the Party's press, and compared with the work of the 'French school' of Marxist urban sociology that flourished in the early 1970s. There follows an historical introduction to Le Havre and an analysis of the PCF's sources of electoral strength; of the municipality's organisation and its relations with the Party apparatus and the public; of municipal finance under the Communists; and of the other main actors in the planning process. The planning outputs themselves - both structure plans and specific building projects sponsored by the municipality - are then analysed in the context of national legislation, market forces, and official Communist ideology. The originality of policy outputs is found to be real but limited. The limitations are due not only to legal and financial constraints but to the Communists' use of local office to prove their governmental credentials more than their revolutionary ones.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [369]-387).

The Oshawa 1937 strike against General Motors was a major turning point in Canadian labour history. This thesis explores the factors that led to its success, including the historical background of working class struggle; the economic and political context of the times; prior organizing by Communists; the engagement of rank-and-file GM workers and the remarkable stewards’ body they established; and the support and leadership of the UAW International union. The thesis shows there was overlap and interplay between these factors. The influence of the strategic outlook of Communists, both in Oshawa and in the UAW more broadly, meant that the 1937 strike incorporated many features of what might now be called rank-and-file unionism: industrial unionism, democratic engagement of rank-and-file workers, militancy on the shop floor, building solidarity within the workforce and in the community, international solidarity, and rejecting cooperation with corporations. My research focus was on the voices and actions of rank-and-file workers as much as possible, and on the remarkable day-to-day events of the strike itself. The thesis demonstrates that many of the events and lessons of the strike have been little understood or have been misinterpreted. In particular, I reexamine and correct the long-accepted conclusions of Irving Abella that the Oshawa workers were “on their own” without significant support from the UAW/CIO leadership, and that they (or the Canadian labour movement) would have been better off if they did not organize under the banner of an international union. The thesis also demonstrates that Abella failed to grasp the degree to which rank-and-file principles were embodied by the strike and were crucial to its success. The contending forces of workers, corporations, and rabidly anti-union governments that clashed in Oshawa in 1937 are largely the same ones we see in the battles going on in North America today. Thus, understanding the factors that led to the success of the Oshawa strikers can provide valuable lessons to those seeking to revive today’s labour movement. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / The Oshawa 1937 strike against General Motors was a major turning point in Canadian labour history. This thesis explores the factors that led to its success, including the historical background of working class struggle; the economic and political context of the times; prior organizing by Communists; the engagement of rank-and-file GM workers and the remarkable stewards’ body they established; and the support and leadership of the UAW International union. The influence of Communists meant that the strike incorporated many features of what might now be called rank-and-file unionism: industrial unionism, democratic engagement of rank-and-file workers, militancy on the shop floor, building solidarity within the workforce and in the community, international solidarity, and rejecting cooperation with corporations. The contending forces of workers, corporations, and rabidly anti-union governments that clashed in Oshawa in 1937 are largely the same ones we see in the battles going on in North America today. Thus, understanding the factors that led to the success of the Oshawa strikers can provide valuable lessons to those seeking to revive today’s labour movement.