In 1948 post-war Berlin, a mother, whose son was stolen from her during the war, implicates the woman that the Nazis gave him to in a Soviet spy ring, but soon realizes that her son's adoptive mother might be able to give her son a better life than she can and her actions put him in mortal danger.

James Connolly (1868-1916), Socialist leader, labour union organiser and Irish Republican general, pursued an active career of over thirtyfive years duration in left-wing politics during the period of the Second International. During this time, he played an influential role in the Social Democratic and Labour movements in Ireland, Scotland and the United States. This stuy examines his relationships with the activists and organisations of left-wing labour in Scotland in the period 1890-1916 and moreover, seeks to establish his significance as a "Marxian Syndicalist"; an activist working in a Marxist tradition distinct from both the state socialism of the Social Democratic International and the Marxism - Leninism of the Comintern. Connolly's formative years in the Social Democratic and labour movements of his native Edinburgh (1890-96) are examined in some detail, and an attempt is made to delineate some characteristics both of the mainstream of British Marxism and of the uniqueness of the situation in Edinburgh, which were important for his personal development. Subsequently, his importance in the secession of the Scottish 'impossibilist' faction from the all-British Marxist movement in 1902-3 is analysed. At this point, there is some emphasis on the theories of the Alrerican Marxist, Daniel De Leon, and of their importance both in Connolly's further theoretical development and of the Scottish Left generally. The American contribution to Connolly's thought - and his mature response to it - is then followed up, some consideration being given to his work in the American socialist movement in 1903-10. In the light of this experience, Connolly's further influence on Scottish leftwing labour in the period 1910-15 is traced; particular emphasis is laid on the Syndicalist elements in his thought and on the Scottish responses to it. Finally, there is some discussion of the relationship between the themes of Nationalism, Marxism and Syndicalism within the history of the Scottish Left in the period 1890-1920, and the concrete failure of Marxism within the Scottish working class movement is assessed against the background of the manifest advances of the nontheoretical parliamentary Labour Party.

Esta tese analisa as relações dos comunistas brasileiros e chilenos com a literatura após a adoção do frentismo como diretriz do movimento comunista internacional, entre 1935 e 1948. Suplementos culturais de jornais partidários e revistas literárias ligadas ao Partido Comunista do Brasil e ao Partido Comunista do Chile foram tomadas como fontes de pesquisa. Identificamos propostas, projetos e colaboradores desses periódicos, cujas formulações demonstraram a preponderância do romance e da poesia como áreas que despertaram maior empenho de intervenção político-ideológica. O fundo antifascista da estratégia frentista contribuiu para a aproximação de expoentes culturais aos partidos comunistas e fez da imprensa partidária um espaço profícuo para a circulação de propostas literárias. Foi nesse período que Pablo Neruda se aproximou do Partido Comunista do Chile e que Jorge Amado promoveu os romances sociais brasileiros na América Latina. A maneira como as concepções literárias difundidas na imprensa partidária estabeleceram relações com uma perspectiva política comum, o frentismo, permitiu o estabelecimento de comparações e conexões políticas e culturais entre os comunistas do Brasil e do Chile. / This thesis analyzes the links between literature and Brazilian and Chilean communists following the adoption of the popular front as a guiding principle of the international communist movement between 1935 and 1948. Cultural supplements of party newspapers and literary magazines linked to the Brazilian Communist Party and the Chilean Communist Party were used as sources for the research. We identified the proposals, projects, and contributors of those periodicals whose formulations demonstrated the preponderance of novels and poetry as the areas that evoked the greatest degree of political and ideological intervention. The antifascist basis of the popular front strategy contributed to an approximation of cultural exponents and the communist parties and made the party press into a productive space for the circulation of literary proposals. It was during this period that Pablo Neruda drew closer to the Chilean Communist Party and Jorge Amado fostered Brazilian social novels in Latin America. The way in which the literary concepts publicized in the party press were linked with a common political perspective, the popular front, allowed for making comparisons and political and cultural connections between the Brazilian and Chilean communist parties.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Department of History, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.

Šiame darbe keltas tikslas remiantis Urugvajaus lietuvių spauda, kitais šaltiniais bei moksline literatūra atskleisti kairiųjų judėjimų Urugvajaus lietuvių bendruomenėje veiklą XX amžiaus 4 – ajame dešimtmetyje. Darbe išnagrinėtos socialistinio, komunistinio ir anarchistinio judėjimų Urugvajaus lietuvių bendruomenėje susiformavimas, įkurtos organizacijos, jų veikla, skleistos idėjos bei santykis su kitomis bendruomenės organizacijomis. Lietuvių socialistiniam judėjimui pradžią davė nedidelė aktyvistų grupelė, užmezgusi glaudžius ryšius su Urugvajaus socialistų partija, bei įkūrusi jos padalinį - Lietuvių skyrių. Socialistų veiklos centru buvo „Naujoji banga“, kur glaudžiai dirbta kartu su Urugvajaus lietuvių kultūros klubu. Socialistų organizacijas lydėję skylimai lėmė jų įtakos lietuvių bendruomenei silpnėjimą ir „Naujosios bangos“ žlugimą. Galiausiai socialistai susivienija su tautinių bei katalikiškų pažiūrų organizacijomis. Urugvajaus komunistinis judėjimas įsisteigė kaip Argentinoje veikusio judėjimo atšaka. Nuo 1935 metų komunistų aktyvistai telkėsi apie „Darbo“ laikraštį ir Urugvajaus lietuvių darbininkų sąjungą. Jie aktyviai agitavo už darbininkų teises, taip pat propagavo jungimąsi į profesines sąjungas, kooperatyvus, savišalpos draugijas. Komunistams pavyko išplėtoti plačią kultūrinę bei meninę veiklą. Skirtingai nei socialistai, jie ketvirtajame dešimtmetyje išvengė skilimų savo gretose, bei nuosekliai plėtė savo veiklą. Augant komunistų įtakai, šie bandė suvienyti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The goal of this research was to analyze Leftist movements among Lithuanian Diaspora in Uruguay in the 30‘s of XX century. Research was based mainly on Lithuanian newspapers in Uruguay, as well as on scientific literature and other sources. After investigation on socialist, communist and anarchist movements, their ideas, their relations to other ideological groups was completed the following conclusions were made. Small group of Lithuanian exiles established the Lithuanian section within Socialist Party of Uruguay. Lithuanian section together with Culture Club of Lithuanians in Uruguay published a newspaper “Naujoji banga” which became the center of socialist thought among local Lithuanian Diaspora. But because of divisions among socialist movements they lost their influence on Lithuanian community and in 1940 “Naujoji banga” was closed. In late 30’s socialist movement started to decline, lost its significance and merged with national and catholic movements. Lithuanian communist movement in Uruguay started as a branch of Argentine communist movement. Since 1935 communists gathered around newspaper “Darbas” and Workers Union of Lithuanians in Uruguay. Communists actively campaigned for workers rights, advocated labor unions and cooperatives. Communists succeeded in establishing wide cultural and artistic activity. Unlike the socialists, they avoided division among their ranks and consistently expanded their movement. As their influence on Lithuanian community reached highest... [to full text]

Originally presented as the author's Habilitationsschrift, University of Essen, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 519-542) and indexes.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2003. / Bibliography: leaves 387-405.

Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-22T18:20:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcelo Linsseg.pdf: 2426719 bytes, checksum: a85000aa5a49d4a1c83cd27ca441a4a0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-29T14:48:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcelo Linsseg.pdf: 2426719 bytes, checksum: a85000aa5a49d4a1c83cd27ca441a4a0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-29T14:48:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcelo Linsseg.pdf: 2426719 bytes, checksum: a85000aa5a49d4a1c83cd27ca441a4a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / O presente trabalho objetiva discutir a trajetória do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) no eixo Ilhéus – Itabuna, sul da Bahia, entre 1935-1936. Compreendemos esse trabalho como parte da história nacional do PCB que precisa buscar as experiências ocorridas fora do sudeste do país para ser construída. Essa pesquisa utilizou-se de fontes da repressão, notadamente os inquéritos policiais que deram origem aos processos do Tribunal de Segurança Nacional depositados no Arquivo Nacional- RJ, assim como fontes do PCB consultadas através dos microfilmes da Internacional Comunista disponíveis para pesquisa no Centro de Documentação e Memória (CEDEM-UNESP). Além dessas fontes, utilizamos jornais do PCB – A Classe Operária – e jornais da grande imprensa. A discussão proposta compreende que a História de um partido é também a História da sociedade em que ele está inserido, portanto tentamos estabelecer relações entre as elaborações ideológicas do PCB, suas ações em âmbito nacional, o contexto socioeconômico regional e as atividades dos comunistas no eixo Ilhéus - Itabuna. / Salvador

Esta tese analisa as relações dos comunistas brasileiros e chilenos com a literatura após a adoção do frentismo como diretriz do movimento comunista internacional, entre 1935 e 1948. Suplementos culturais de jornais partidários e revistas literárias ligadas ao Partido Comunista do Brasil e ao Partido Comunista do Chile foram tomadas como fontes de pesquisa. Identificamos propostas, projetos e colaboradores desses periódicos, cujas formulações demonstraram a preponderância do romance e da poesia como áreas que despertaram maior empenho de intervenção político-ideológica. O fundo antifascista da estratégia frentista contribuiu para a aproximação de expoentes culturais aos partidos comunistas e fez da imprensa partidária um espaço profícuo para a circulação de propostas literárias. Foi nesse período que Pablo Neruda se aproximou do Partido Comunista do Chile e que Jorge Amado promoveu os romances sociais brasileiros na América Latina. A maneira como as concepções literárias difundidas na imprensa partidária estabeleceram relações com uma perspectiva política comum, o frentismo, permitiu o estabelecimento de comparações e conexões políticas e culturais entre os comunistas do Brasil e do Chile. / This thesis analyzes the links between literature and Brazilian and Chilean communists following the adoption of the popular front as a guiding principle of the international communist movement between 1935 and 1948. Cultural supplements of party newspapers and literary magazines linked to the Brazilian Communist Party and the Chilean Communist Party were used as sources for the research. We identified the proposals, projects, and contributors of those periodicals whose formulations demonstrated the preponderance of novels and poetry as the areas that evoked the greatest degree of political and ideological intervention. The antifascist basis of the popular front strategy contributed to an approximation of cultural exponents and the communist parties and made the party press into a productive space for the circulation of literary proposals. It was during this period that Pablo Neruda drew closer to the Chilean Communist Party and Jorge Amado fostered Brazilian social novels in Latin America. The way in which the literary concepts publicized in the party press were linked with a common political perspective, the popular front, allowed for making comparisons and political and cultural connections between the Brazilian and Chilean communist parties.

Au début du XXe siècle en France, contrairement Pays de l'Est où l'anticléricalisme d'Etat était de mise, Maurice Thorez avec son appel « de la main tendue » aux catholiques manifeste sa volonté de rassemblement des communistes avec les chrétiens. En France, « ceux qui croyaient au ciel et ceux qui n'y croyaient pas » ont mêlé leurs forces et leur sang contre l'ordre nazi. Ce rapprochement des catholiques et des communistes se poursuit autour du second concile du Vatican ouvert sous le pontificat de Jean XXIII (1958-1963) et clos sous le pontificat de Paul VI (1963-1978). L'histoire de l'Eglise a toujours été traversée par deux principaux courants opposés. Le « courant constantinien » qui a freiné ou combattu les luttes des opprimés en situant dans un autre monde la conquête du bonheur et le « courant protestataire », opposé, au nom des valeurs et textes fondateurs, à l'ordre social et politique établi. Nous allons étudier au-delà de la croyance ou non croyance à Dieu, au-delà des actions partielles, les valeurs humaines et sociales communes des communistes et des catholiques de 1958 à 1978 en ne niant pas les différences réelles de l'organisation religieuse de l'organisation politique. Nous émettons l'hypothèse que les outils conceptuels issus de la pensée de Marx et d'autres dont usaient les communistes français à cette époque étaient proches des convictions de nombreux catholiques. / At the beginning of the XX century in France, at the opposite of the state anticlericalism' in he “East European countries”, Maurice Thorez, with his famous call “the outstretched hand” to the Catholics, showed his will to gather communists and Christians. In France, the one believing in heaven, and other whose not, mustered their strength and mixed their blood against the Nazi regime. Those links between Catholics and communists continued with the second council of Vatican, started with the pontificate of Jean XXIII (1958-1963) and ended over the pontificate of Paul VI (1963-1978). In fact, Church history has always been crossed and determined by differences. In one hand, the “constantinien way of thinking” curbed or fought oppressed people in placing in another world the happiness and well-being conquest. On the other, the “protester way of thinking” opposed social and political order established, in the name of the values and the underlying texts. Beyond the belief in God or not, beyond the partial actions, we wish to study common human and social values of the communists and the Catholics from 1958 to 1978, without neglecting the real differences between religious organization and political organization. We set the following hypothesis: used by French communists during this period, conceptual tools from Marx' thought and from others were closed to numerous Catholics convictions.