On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Brazil and South Africa were both part of the global “third-wave” of democracy, the beginnings of their democratic transitions occurring in 1985 and 1994 respectively. Despite having been formerly subjected to decades of authoritarian rule, both countries experienced a modicum of democratic practice, however limited in franchise, under the previous regimes. The purpose of this study is to investigate the levels of support for democracy in Brazil and South Africa since democratic transition. Two types of political support are identified as crucial for democratic sustainability: diffuse support, or support for democracy’s intrinsic principles, and specific support, support which is conditional on the positive evaluation of the regime institutions and incumbents. These two types of political support are conceptualized as encompassing five levels or objects of political support, according to the Norris model: the political community, regime principles, regime performance (diffuse support), regime institutions and political actors (specific support). This study proposes that because vestiges of democratic norms and practices have been present within these countries’ political systems for some time, it is possible that they will manifest trends in support similar to much older, more established democracies. These global trends indicate that diffuse support for democracy is being maintained while specific support for democracy is waning. A longitudinal quantitative study was conducted, using consecutive waves of World Values Survey to operationalize support for democracy in terms of the five abovementioned political objects and the results of South Africa and Brazil compared. These results show that both case studies could be interpreted as having fairly high levels of diffuse support and decreasing levels of specific support for democracy. It is however acknowledged that results are not conclusive and further research is required, especially with respect to how respondents conceptualize the term ‘democracy’. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Brasilië en Suid-Afrika was albei deel van die globale “derde golf” van demokrasie, met die aanvang van hulle oorgang na demokrasie onderskeidelik in 1985 en 1994. Ten spyte daarvan dat hierdie twee lande voormalig aan dekades van outoritêre gesag onderwerp is, het albei, hoewel beperk in stemreg, ’n mate van demokratiese praktyk onder ’n vorige bestel ervaar. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die steunvlakke vir demokrasie in Brasilië en Suid- Afrika sedert hulle oorgang na demokrasie te ondersoek. Twee soorte politieke steun word geïdentifiseer as deurslaggewend vir demokratiese volhoubaarheid: verspreide steun – of steun vir die intrinsieke beginsels van demokrasie – en spesifieke steun – steun wat van die positiewe evaluering van die regime se instellings en ampsbekleders afhang. Hierdie twee soorte politieke steun word deur vyf konsepte voorgestel wat die vyf vlakke of voorwerpe van politieke steun volgens die Norris-model dek: die politieke gemeenskap, regimebeginsels, regimeprestasie (verspreide steun), regime-instellings en politieke akteurs (spesifieke steun). Hierdie studie stel voor dat, aangesien spore van demokratiese norme en praktyke vir ’n geruime tyd binne hierdie lande se politieke stelsels teenwoordig was, dit moontlik is dat hulle steuntendense sal toon wat aan baie ouer, meer gevestigde demokrasieë soortgelyk is. Hierdie globale tendense toon dat verspreide steun vir demokrasie gehandhaaf word terwyl spesifieke steun vir demokrasie aan die kwyn is. ’n Longitudinale kwantitatiewe studie is onderneem wat van opeenvolgende siklusse van die “World Values Survey” gebruik maak om steun vir demokrasie in terme van die vyf bogenoemde politieke voorwerpe uit te beeld. Die resultate van Suid-Afrika en Brasilië is daarna vergelyk. Uit hierdie resultate sou afgelei kon word dat redelik hoë vlakke van verspreide steun en dalende vlakke van spesifieke steun vir demokrasie in beide gevalle voorkom. Daar word egter erken dat resultate nie beslissend is nie en dat verdere navorsing nodig is, in besonder met betrekking tot respondente se begrip van die term ‘demokrasie’.

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The intent of the thesis is to ascertain whether mitigation of political risk to the IT industry in Panama can be of value to the country by improving the economy and standard of living.

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In New Zealand, the development of wind energy is occurring predominantly at a large scale level with very little opportunity for local people to become involved, either financially or conceptually. These conditions are creating situations of conflict between communities and wind energy developers – and are limiting the potential of the New Zealand wind energy industry. The inception of community ownership in small scale wind farms, developed in Europe in the late 20th Century, has helped to make a vital connection between wind energy and end users. Arguably, community wind farms are able to alleviate public concerns of wind energy’s impact on landscapes, amongst a wide range of other advantages. In Austria, community wind farms have offered significant development opportunities to local people, ushered in distributed generation, and all the while increasing the amount of renewable energy in the electricity mix. This thesis investigates whether community small scale wind (SSW) farms, such as those developed in Austria, are a viable and feasible option for the New Zealand context. The approach of this thesis examines the history of the Austrian wind industry and explores several community wind farm developments. In addition, interviews with stakeholders from Austria and New Zealand were conducted to develop an understanding of impressions and processes in developing community wind energy (CWE) in the New Zealand context. From this research an assessment of the transfer of the Austrian framework to the New Zealand situation is offered, with analysis of the differences between the wind energy industries in the two countries. Furthermore, future strategies are suggested for CWE development in New Zealand with recommendations for an integrated governmental approach. This research determines that the feasibility for the transfer of the Austrian framework development of ‘grassroots’ community wind farms in the next 10 years is relatively unlikely without greater support assistance from the New Zealand Government. This is principally due to the restricted economic viability of community wind farms and also significant regulatory and policy limitations. In the mid to long term, the New Zealand government should take an integrated approach to assist the development of community wind farms which includes: a collaborative government planning approach on the issue; detailed assessment of the introduction of feed-in tariff mechanisms and controlled activity status (RMA) for community wind farms; and development of limited liability company law for community energy companies. In the short term, however, the most feasible option available for the formation of community wind farms lies in quasi community developments with corporate partnerships.