The thesis explores puzzling change in Chinese state sector over the past two decades. China’s debt-ridden state-owned enterprises (SOEs) were long seen as the most thorny reform dilemma; however, in the past decade, the surging profitability of large SOEs in the so-called “monopoly sectors” (longduan hangye 垄断行业) have made them lynchpins of an emerging state capitalist system. The main argument is that the state sector’s apparent reversal of fortunes is, in large measure, a legacy of the brief period of neoconservative rule (1989-1992) following the Tiananmen uprising in spring 1989. The fleeting ascendance of Chen Yun’s neoconservative faction provided them the opportunity to redirect the reform course set by Deng Xiaoping and embed a market vision which saw SOEs as pillars of the economy. The neoconservative leadership laid the normative and institutional foundations of a robust SOE-directed industrial policy regime which has gained momentum through the 1990s and into the last decade. The study also sheds lights on the political and economic drivers of China’s unfolding market order through analysis of the industry foundations of China’s emerging state capitalist system. In recent years, state ownership has concentrated in some industries and largely retreated from others. What is driving this process of what Pei (2006) terms the “selective withdrawal” of the state from the economy? To address this question, the nature of ownership change across Chinese industry in recent years is first analyzed. Focus then shifts to comparative analysis of the reform pathway of two industries in which state ownership remains dominant: telecommunications and airlines. Combining insights from the partial reform equilibrium model and historical institutionalism, the study argues that both the particularist interests of “short-term winners” in industry and the neoconservative policy legacy have left an imprint on the process of selective withdrawal.

This research begins to explore what political tools are necessary to elevate women’s position in society by transforming legislation. Women in Francophone West Africa do not enjoy certain basic rights and there is need to improve their status. The promotion and appointment of women to the position of prime minister, Mame Madior Boyé in Senegal in 2001 and Mariam Kaidama Cissé Sidibé in Mali in 2011, gives us hope that women-friendly agendas will be given priority. I pose the question: Did the appointment of these two women to the heads of their respective governments improve the status of women and their political representation in West Africa? There is existing research that suggests that more women in government increases the visibility of women’s issues. I argue that simply having women in positions of power is not sufficient; participation in informal politics and civil society is imperative. These women have to go into the position with a commitment to women’s issues and a willingness to work with the already existent networks of women’s associations dedicated to furthering women’s rights. I study the successful passage of a new woman-friendly constitution in Senegal. In particular, I look at each participant’s role in making this happen, the associations who pushed for reforms for many years, the reformist president Wade, and Boyé who was a founding member of one of the central women’s associations, the Association of Senegalese Female Legal Practitioners. I compare this with the unsuccessful signing of new family code in Mali. I discuss the disinterest and indecisiveness of the president and Sidibé, as well as the influence of the strong opposition from the conservative High Islamic Council. There are also institutional barriers to change, namely the pluralist legal system of customary law, Islamic law, and state law. Finally, I discuss other possible reasons for the differences in these two countries’ results, such as Senegal’s longer history of democracy and general acceptance of modernity and women’s rights.

Democracy's advance on the African continent has been mixed, this article analyzes three countries which reflect this situation. Ghana represents the good, a country now considered a liberal democracy; Kenya represents the bad, although possessing the right conditions to advance its democracy the country has slid into an ambiguous zone; the Democratic Republic of Congo represents the ugly, after showing initial promise it still has significant issues halting its burgeoning democratic progress. These three countries represent the prototypical situations facing democratizing Sub-Saharan countries and analyzing them can inform what factors aid or have hindered democratic progress not only for them but the region in general.

The Tea Party is a highly publicized movement that has been met with both support and opposition but very little objective reporting from the partisan media. In 2009, amidst a financial crisis unlike any in recent history, a war being fought oversees, and a questioning of American values, this movement known as the Tea Party arose. Borrowing from the annals of history and staying true to the foundations set by the Fathers of our country, the Tea Party movement seeks to provide answers to the growing economic and social issues in the United States. The three core values of the movement are fiscal responsibility, limited government, and free market economics. Yet, the Tea Party movement, while seemingly logical and legitimate, was and continues to be, met with much criticism and combativeness. The frequent colonial dress and showmanship which characterizes their protests, the historical reference from which they get their name, and their strict adherence to the Constitution all seem to fuel the frequent trivialization of these self-proclaimed patriots and their movement, resulting in misconceptions and the stereotyping of supporters. But in a time dominated by sound bytes, tweets and headlines, the media can be deceiving. Therefore, as a young Government major intrigued by a movement that had so rapidly gained America’s attention, I set out to discover through interviews with real Tea Party members what the movement is really all about.

This paper explores the rhetoric and actions of Margaret Thatcher, Golda Meir, and Indira Gandhi regarding feminism and their gender before they became prime minister. The paper finds that none of the leaders identified as feminists, and did not actively focus on women’s issues or elevate the status of women while in office. Yet, all of these leaders called for women to mobilize and pursue careers, either via their actions or speeches. Thatcher, particularly in the crucial period in which she rose to power, explicitly encouraged women to mobilize as voters and pursue work outside the home in her formal speeches, public statements, letters and interviews. Through their organized activities before they obtained office, Meir and Gandhi worked to mobilize women politically, although their rhetoric did not explicitly encourage women over men to participate politically. The paper explores nuanced ways that each leader associated with her gender and preached for other women to pursue careers. Looking ahead at one case study shows that women now are not necessarily averse to explicitly associating with their gender. Tzipi Livni, the candidate for the Kadima Party in the 2009 Israeli election, used her gender as a campaign tactic. Hopefully this paper helps lay the groundwork for future study on women candidate’s rhetoric and actions regarding feminism before they are elected.

This thesis examines the present-day educational policies enacted by Spain in response to the country’s growing immigrant populations, specifically by comparing the policies implemented in two of Spain’s distinct autonomies. The thesis ultimately argues that the regions’ differing conceptualizations of national identity and their distinct relationships to the central Spanish state play a fundamental role in their motivations to enact comprehensive and effective policies that promote immigrants’ educational and social success.

A phenomenal thing is occurring in Indonesia’s young democracy. Politicians who are actually interested in propagating good governance and addressing the needs of their constituents are coming to power across the archipelago in increasing numbers. These fresh faces bring with them a pragmatic style of leadership that balks the trend of poor governance set by their distant, corrupt, and bureaucratic predecessors. Unsurprisingly, they have been lauded as the heroes of the people and the products of a maturing democratic regime. The foreign media, in particular, seem convinced that the people’s power, as expressed through democracy, is the driving force behind the rise of such “new breed” leaders. A closer look at the Central Java gubernatorial elections, however, reveals a more complex picture. Through the use of a critical pluralist framework, this paper aims to shed light on the reality of how power is organized between oligarch and non-oligarch actors in the Indonesian polity. In the process, we also build a systematic framework that can be applied to other cases of “new breed” leaders coming to office, so that in the future, a more comprehensive comparative analyses on the topic can be done.

This thesis explores the role of early development policies on the management of horizontal inequalities in Ghana and La Cote d'Ivoire. Using the wager between the first presidents of the two countries, this study charts the manner in which Horizontal Inequalities have been managed during three time periods: Independence, Structural Adjustment and Democratization.

The Kurds are the largest stateless ethnic group in the world, numbering around 30 million globally, and after more than a century of fighting for self-determination the tangible success is minimal. Turkey and Iraq both have significant Kurdish populations that are growing in size respective to the Turkish and Arab communities, and yet the only semi-autonomous territory the Kurds have is the Iraqi province of Kurdistan. With continued instability in the Middle East, and an increasingly powerful, numerous, and ideological Kurdish community present, the recipe for conflict is present. This thesis analyzes the Kurdish claim for self-determination, and the different levels of success the groups in Turkey and Iraq have faced, through secondary literature. A multi-level approach reveals how complex the Kurdish Question really is, and what other minority groups and national governments can learn from the Kurds' experience.

This thesis explores the leadership styles of three female presidents in Latin America: Michelle Bachelet (Chile), Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (Argentina) y Dilma Rousseff (Brazil). These three women were chosen because each has been the first generally elected female president in their respective countries. Each woman’s profile is divided into two parts: 1) an expository evaluation of the life and career of each woman, and 2) a case study of her specific leadership style based on a particular event or challenge faced during her presidency. It is important to understand the political trajectories of these women because they demonstrate how certain cultural, structural, and institutional barriers have broken over time, allowing more women to ascend to the highest political offices. On the other hand, each case serves to enrich our holistic understanding of some of the current female presidents and in what ways they have been successful leaders. In general, Bachelet has been a transformational leader, Fernández de Kirchner has been a charismatic leader, and Rousseff has been an authentic relational leader. Through these case studies, we see that there is no one “feminine” leadership style, a conclusion which coincides with the existing literature.