The Italian Communist Party (PCI) emerged from the chaos of the Italian defeat in 1943 as a powerful and cohesive movement. Based upon organizational development throughout the years of Fascist rule in Italy, plus a combination of vigorous partisan activities and a willingness to compromise politically in exchange for governmental participation, the PCI showed promise for achieving economic and social change in Italy. Conservative countermeasures and Allied pressures, however, diminished the Communist advantage until, by 1947, the Party was no longer represented in the postwar government. The success apparent in the economic arena due to the Christian Democrat's program initiated in their monocolore government of 1947 and an East-West demarcation internationally, with the Soviets gaining control in Eastern Europe, created for the general elections of April, 1948 an atmosphere ripe for Christian Democrat exploitation. The election was disastrous for the PCI; the combined Communist-Socialist ticket drew slightly in excess of four million votes, one million fewer than the coalition had gathered in the 1946 elections.

El largo viaje/The Long Journey deals with the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain from 1920, when Communism first emerged in the country, until 1939, when the Spanish Civil War ended. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. On the one hand, by looking at the Party's cultural discourse, its attempts to provide the working class with a political education, and its relationship with communist intellectuals, it aims at explaining the Party's evolution from its original proletarian line in the early 1920s to its democratic line in the mid-1930s, after it joined the anti-fascist Popular Front alliance. On the other, it aims at investigating how, between the years of 1936 and 1938, the Communist Party ended up fulfilling the democratic revolutionary dream of the Spanish bourgeoisie. Through its work in the Ministry of Public Instruction, the Party brought back to life the cultural discourse and aspirations which the reformist and Republican bourgeoisie had been holding on to since the mid- and late nineteenth century. In doing that, Spanish Communists were using cultural practice to further advance the cause of the democratic revolution, and, perhaps more importantly, to make the Spanish people full participants in that revolution for the very first time.

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet, 1986. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 384-396).

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet, 1986. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 384-396).

Texte remanié de: Proefschrift--Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1992 ? / Bibliogr. p. 251-271. Index.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-04-24Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:29:54Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 taffanello_pm_me_mar.pdf: 542477 bytes, checksum: 8625fa712042b7cc27c0b714e2c105a4 (MD5) / Desde o início dos anos 80, a crise do chamado socialismo real era um fato evidente. A relativa estagnação econômica e os investimentos massivos na indústria bélica, a ampliação da contestação nos países do leste-europeu, dentre outros, eram sintomas da crise de hegemonia da burocracia socialista, que tentou uma última cartada com a Perestroika. A crise iniciada na Europa oriental, que tem como marco simbólico a queda do muro de Berlim, culminou com a desintegração da União Soviética. Visceralmente ligados à URSS, os partidos comunistas de todo o mundo sentiram o impacto dessa crise terminal. O Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), que assistia à saída de Luis Carlos Prestes do partido, também sentiu a crise e foi diretamente envolvido por ela, sendo que, em 1992, no seu X Congresso, consumou a sua própria derrocada. A ideia deste projeto é analisar como o PCB entra em crise no contexto de suas interpretações ilusórias das relações internacionais, deixando sua legitimidade minada, tendo em vista a queda do sistema socialista adotado na URSS e na Europa Oriental. / Since the early 80´s, the crisis of the called “real socialism” was an obvious fact. The relative economic stagnation and the massive investments in the war industry, the expansion of contestation in the Eastern European Countries, among others, were crisis symptoms of the socialist bureaucracy hegemony, which tried a last attempt with the Perestroika. The crisis, started in the Eastern Europe, whose symbolic mark is the fall of the Berlin Wall, culminated with the Soviet Union disintegration. Viscerally connected to the USSR, the communist parties around the world felt the impact of that terminal crisis. The Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), that was watching Luis Carlos Prestes leaving the party, also felt the crisis and was directly involved in it, being that, in 1992 during its X Congress, consummated its own collapse. The project idea is to analyze how PCB entered into the crisis in the context of its international relations illusory interpretations, making its legitimacy undermined, in view of the fall of the USSR and Eastern European socialist system .

Submitted by Lucas Alexandre Andreto (andreto.lucas@gmail.com) on 2018-10-16T04:25:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Lucas Andreto (2).pdf: 2257529 bytes, checksum: 2e3c481f64fe5f110a2d9e6f7cc946ae (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Luiza Carpi Semeghini (luiza@assis.unesp.br) on 2018-10-17T22:52:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 andreto_la_me_assis_int.pdf: 2257529 bytes, checksum: 2e3c481f64fe5f110a2d9e6f7cc946ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-17T22:52:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 andreto_la_me_assis_int.pdf: 2257529 bytes, checksum: 2e3c481f64fe5f110a2d9e6f7cc946ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Nos anos que se seguiram a 1917 a Revolução Russa tornou-se referência para o movimento operário mundial. No Brasil, o entusiasmo e expectativa com a experiência russa tornou-se resposta para os problemas do movimento operário brasileiro e, com isso, o Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) foi fundado em 1922, objetivando construir nas terras brasileiras um partido que operasse segundo os princípios da III Internacional. Construir um Partido Comunista, sessão nacional da Internacional Comunista era uma tarefa que pressupunha a execução de uma determinada estratégia e tática, um determinado modo de ser e atuar que tinha como objetivo final a revolução do proletariado. O presente trabalho busca abordar o que era construir um Partido Comunista tomando como amostra a experiência dos comunistas brasileiros na cidade de São Paulo, analisando para isso as principais formas de atuação do PCB no momento: o partido e as frentes de massa, os sindicatos e a relação com outras forças políticas de oposição. / After 1917 on Russian Revolution became a reference for the world labor movement. In Brazil, the enthusiasm and expectation with the Russian experience became an answer to the problems of the Brazilian labor movement within, is context Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) was founded in 1922, aiming to build in the Brazilian lands a party that operated on behalf of the Third International principles. To build a Communist Party, the national session of the Communist International was a task that presupposed the execution of a certain strategy and tactics, a certain way of being and acting whose ultimate objective was the revolution of the proletariat. The present work seeks to address what it was to build a Communist Party, taking as a sample the experience of the Brazilian Communists in the city of São Paulo, analyzing for this the main forms of action of the PCB at the moment: the party and the fronts of mass, the trade-unions and relationship with other political opposition forces.

Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do Partido Revolucionário Comunista (PRC), de existência tardia relativamente às demais organizações revolucionárias brasileiras, que atuaram predominantemente, entre 1961 e 1971. Registra o seu surgimento em 1984 e discorre sobre a sua resposta às demandas da esquerda na década de 1980, frente à crise teórico-prática dos partidos revolucionários. Analisa as suas concepções, que valorizam o conhecimento e o legado leninista, especialmente no que tange à organização política. Registra sua autodissolução e indica contribuições teóricas suas à política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Para isso, descreve a conjuntura política da época, bem como o contexto da esquerda brasileira. Assinala a sua convergência em direção ao PT e às consignas petistas, com as quais estabelece afinidades inicialmente conjunturais. / This thesis discusses the Communist Revolutionary Party (PRC) history. That party arose later when compared with other Brazilian revolutionary organizations whose period of action was predominantly between 1961 and 1971. It registers PRC's inception in 1984 and discusses its response to the left's demands during 1980's, facing the theoretical and practical crisis of revolutionary parties. It analyzes PRC's views, which values Leninist knowledge and legacy, especially regarding to political organization. It registers PRC's self-dissolution and indicates its theoretical contributions to the Workers' Party (PT) policies. To do that, it describes the political situation and the Brazilian left context of that time. It notes PRC's convergence towards PT and PT slogans, establishing juncture affinities at a first moment.

Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Historia mención Historia de Chile / El planteamiento central de la tesis se relaciona con una mirada sobre la historia del comunismo en Chile basada en la tensión entre tradición y cambio en su interior. Para ello se ha seleccionado el período 1965-1990, veinticinco años en donde se resumen los mejores y peores momentos de la historia del PC y que tradicionalmente ha sido considerado por un momento (1980) que significó pasar de ser el partido más moderado de la izquierda chilena, a convertirse en el ala más radical y violento de la oposición a la dictadura militar. ¿Continuidad o cambio?, ¿conservadurismo o renovación?, ¿abandono de las tradiciones partidarias o permanencia de ellas bajo otro contexto político?. Estas preguntas, que atravesaron desde el debate interno hasta el campo de las ciencias sociales, son las que se intentan abordar en esta investigación. Indagando a través de las transformaciones de la identidad y la cultura política del Partido Comunista durante el período señalado, se busca enfocar la historia de este partido desde ángulos no tradicionales, enfatizando sus tensiones internas, que derivaron en crisis teóricas y políticas, las que según se plantea, implicaron que el PC vivió a partir de 1973 un proceso de renovación política y cultural.

A presente pesquisa trata das relações entre trabalhadores, militantes ligados ao Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) e a comunidade fronteiriça de Santana do Livramento e Rivera, a partir da instalação na região do Frigorífico Armour, e especialmente durante o período de redemocratização da sociedade brasileira que se seguiu ao final do Estado Novo, em um recorte que compreende o período de 1945 a 1954. Tem por objetivo revelar as articulações políticas e lutas operárias que tiveram como protagonistas os militantes ligados ao PCB e a sociedade fronteiriça no período em que o partido viveu um breve momento de legalidade, que por fim iria desaguar em forte repressão e na chacina ocorrida em 24 de setembro de 1950, na linha divisória entre Brasil e Uruguai. Dividida em quatro capítulos, busca historicizar a trajetória de homens e mulheres que tomaram parte dessa busca por direitos e justiça social em uma sociedade que tinha na grande fábrica multinacional o motor de desenvolvimento e também de concentração de poderes. Para tanto utiliza um conjunto de fontes composto por entrevistas, periódicos, acervos particulares, Anais da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946 e da Câmara de Vereadores de Santana do Livramento, textos literários e manuscritos. / This tesis concerns about the relations between workers, militants linked to the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) and the border community of Santana do Livramento and Rivera, since the installation in the region of the Armour meat packers company, and especially during the period of redemocratization of Brazilian society which followed the end of ―Estado Novo‖, in a cut that covers the period from 1945 to 1954. The objective is to reveal the political articulations and workers' struggles that had as protagonists the militants linked to the PCB and the border society in the period in which the party Lived a brief moment of legality, which would eventually lead to strong repression and the slaughter that occurred on September 24, 1950, on the dividing line between Brazil and Uruguay. Divided into four chapters, it seeks to historicize the trajectory of men and women who took part in this search for rights and social justice in a society that had in the great multinational factory the motor of development and also concentration of powers. In order to do so, it uses a set of sources composed of interviews, periodicals, private collections, Annals of the Constituent Assembly of 1946 and the Council of Councilors of Santana do Livramento, literary texts and manuscripts.