Submitted by PPGH null (poshisto@ufba.br) on 2017-06-19T15:28:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Adilson.pdf: 1853730 bytes, checksum: 427bf6f1f05ee7d9db9024a6f21cd8ea (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Uillis de Assis Santos (uillis.assis@ufba.br) on 2017-06-27T23:40:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Adilson.pdf: 1853730 bytes, checksum: 427bf6f1f05ee7d9db9024a6f21cd8ea (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-27T23:40:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Adilson.pdf: 1853730 bytes, checksum: 427bf6f1f05ee7d9db9024a6f21cd8ea (MD5) / CAPES / O movimento indígena equatoriano tem conduzido, nas últimas décadas, diversas manifestações políticas no país, tendo como pauta a luta por mudanças na estrutura política do Estado e a construção de um modelo alternativo de organização social e política, pautada no respeito aos diferentes padrões e valores culturais. Este trabalho objetiva compreender as novas feições assumidas pelo movimento indígena no Equador, nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, a partir da principal organização indígena do país, a Confederação de Nacionalidades Indígenas do Equador (Conaie), entidade criada em novembro de 1986, com o objetivo de unificar as lutas dos distintos grupos étnicos do país, e que se consolidou como uma das mais fortes organizações populares da América Latina. Especificamente objetivamos entender as estratégias políticas assumidas por essa organização, sua pauta reivindicativa, com destaque para o estudo da sua proposta política e o modelo de Estado, defendido pela entidade que exige a reestruturação político-administrativa do poder público central com o reconhecimento dos grupos indígenas como agentes ativos do país e, consequentemente, a adoção do caráter multiétnico e plurinacional do Estado equatoriano que significa a garantia de autonomia e autodeterminação para os distintos povos e nacionalidades existentes no país.

There exists a scholarly debate on the cultural impact of globalization and how and to what extent it is affecting indigenous people in particular. Three theoretical standpoints can be discerned from the debate; the homogenization-perspective which holds that globalization is making world cultures more similar, the hybridization-perspective which emphasizes that it is fragmenting cultural boundaries and the differentiation-perspective which implies that globalization is augmenting differences and making humanity as a whole more diverse. As regards the cultural impact of globalization on indigenous peoples, many question marks can be raised. The objective of this research is to contribute to the debate by bringing to light the perspective of the indigenous movement in Ecuador, CONAIE. An analysis is made on how they perceive globalization affecting the maintenance of indigenous identities and culture among today’s youth. That information is then used as a foundation to analyze CONAIE’s level of success regarding their main objective; to preserve Ecuador’s indigenous nationalities and peoples. The study, which has a qualitative ethnographic approach and is based on semi-structured interviews, was carried out during an eight weeks long field study in Quito and in San Pedro de Escaleras, Cuenca, Ecuador. The research has an abductive approach and the theoretical debate on globalization’s cultural impact on indigenous peoples sets the analytical frame of the study. The three theoretical standpoints; globalization as homogenization, globalization as differentiation and globalization as hybridization play central roles in the analysis of the empirical material. The findings show that there are many elements that obstruct the maintenance of indigenous culture and identity among youth in contemporary Ecuador. There is a connection between youth being exposed to cultural globalization and that they lose cultural characteristics for the indigenous identity. Hybridization of identities due to globalization is presented as a possible factor to play a role in this. Indigenous youth tend to drop characteristics for the indigenous identity as they adopt features from the mestizo culture, in case they see no benefit in maintaining the former. This indicates that what ultimately might be at stake is cultural homogenization. Light is also shed on that CONAIE lacks strategies and possibilities to reinforce the indigenous identity among the youth that is in a process of identity change. The findings thus point at that despite efforts for cultural revival by the indigenous movement in Ecuador, the maintenance of rigid frontiers between the ethnically diverse nationalities in the country is threatened. Seen to a larger picture, this implies that globalization’s impact on indigenous culture among youth is very difficult to counteract. It appears as if the move towards more cultural similarity in Ecuador cannot be hindered.

Thesis advisor: Deborah Levenson / A historical analysis of the political strategies employed by indigenous activsts throughout Ecuador's contemporary indigenous movement. Particular attention is paid to evolving notions of citizenhsip at the national level, land reform, institutional mobilization and identity politics. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Cette thèse se penche sur l’impact social et politique des mouvements autochtones latino-américains. Elle élabore un cadre d’analyse rendant compte de la politisation des enjeux autochtones au Mexique et en Équateur dans la période postérieure à 1990. Le caractère instituant des luttes pour le sens se jouant entre les discours des mouvements autochtones et les discours gouvernementaux autour de la place et la représentation des « indios » sur la scène politique y est examiné. Pour y arriver, les discours de deux organisations autochtones, l’Armée de libération nationale zapatiste (EZLN) et la Confédération des nationalités indigènes de l’Équateur (CONAIE), et des discours présidentiels des deux pays sont analysés et mis en dialogue afin de restituer la complexité des relations interdiscursives. Cette méthode permet d’esquisser un tableau des positionnements adverses et des différentes opérations discursives menant à la transformation du champ politique et à la constitution d’un sujet politique autochtone.

Cette thèse se penche sur l’impact social et politique des mouvements autochtones latino-américains. Elle élabore un cadre d’analyse rendant compte de la politisation des enjeux autochtones au Mexique et en Équateur dans la période postérieure à 1990. Le caractère instituant des luttes pour le sens se jouant entre les discours des mouvements autochtones et les discours gouvernementaux autour de la place et la représentation des « indios » sur la scène politique y est examiné. Pour y arriver, les discours de deux organisations autochtones, l’Armée de libération nationale zapatiste (EZLN) et la Confédération des nationalités indigènes de l’Équateur (CONAIE), et des discours présidentiels des deux pays sont analysés et mis en dialogue afin de restituer la complexité des relations interdiscursives. Cette méthode permet d’esquisser un tableau des positionnements adverses et des différentes opérations discursives menant à la transformation du champ politique et à la constitution d’un sujet politique autochtone.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-18T15:56:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Adilson Amorim de Sousa.pdf: 1728868 bytes, checksum: 290768652105e332fa9459a29e682899 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-03-28T18:26:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Adilson Amorim de Sousa.pdf: 1728868 bytes, checksum: 290768652105e332fa9459a29e682899 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T18:26:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Adilson Amorim de Sousa.pdf: 1728868 bytes, checksum: 290768652105e332fa9459a29e682899 (MD5) / CAPES / O movimento indígena equatoriano tem conduzido, nas últimas décadas, diversas manifestações políticas no país, tendo como pauta a luta por mudanças na estrutura política do Estado e a construção de um modelo alternativo de organização social e política, pautada no respeito aos diferentes padrões e valores culturais. Este trabalho objetiva compreender as novas feições assumidas pelo movimento indígena no Equador, nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, a partir da principal organização indígena do país, a Confederação de Nacionalidades Indígenas do Equador (Conaie), entidade criada em novembro de 1986, com o objetivo de unificar as lutas dos distintos grupos étnicos do país, e que se consolidou como uma das mais fortes organizações populares da América Latina. Especificamente objetivamos entender as estratégias políticas assumidas por essa organização, sua pauta reivindicativa, com destaque para o estudo da sua proposta política e o modelo de Estado, defendido pela entidade que exige a reestruturação político-administrativa do poder público central com o reconhecimento dos grupos indígenas como agentes ativos do país e, consequentemente, a adoção do caráter multiétnico e plurinacional do Estado equatoriano que significa a garantia de autonomia e autodeterminação para os distintos povos e nacionalidades existentes no país.The Ecuadorian indigenous movement has led, in recent decades, various political events in the country, having as agenda the fight for changes in the political structure of the State and the construction of an alternative model of social and political organization, based on the respect for different cultural values and standards. This study aims at understanding the new fashions, assumed by the indigenous movement in Ecuador, in the 1980s and 1990s, from the main indigenous organization in the country. The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), an entity created in November of 1986, intends to unify the struggles of different ethnic groups from the country, and it became as one of the strongest popular organizations in Latin America. Specifically, we tend to comprise the political strategies, undertaken by this organization, its demanding agenda. It emphasizes on the study of its political proposal, and the State model, defended by the entity that requires the political-administrative restructuring of the central public power with the recognition of indigenous groups as active agents in the country, and hence, the adoption of the multi-ethnic and plurinational character of the Ecuadorian State. It means the guarantee of autonomy and self-determination for the different peoples and nationalities existing in the country.

Cette thèse se penche sur l’impact social et politique des mouvements autochtones latino-américains. Elle élabore un cadre d’analyse rendant compte de la politisation des enjeux autochtones au Mexique et en Équateur dans la période postérieure à 1990. Le caractère instituant des luttes pour le sens se jouant entre les discours des mouvements autochtones et les discours gouvernementaux autour de la place et la représentation des « indios » sur la scène politique y est examiné. Pour y arriver, les discours de deux organisations autochtones, l’Armée de libération nationale zapatiste (EZLN) et la Confédération des nationalités indigènes de l’Équateur (CONAIE), et des discours présidentiels des deux pays sont analysés et mis en dialogue afin de restituer la complexité des relations interdiscursives. Cette méthode permet d’esquisser un tableau des positionnements adverses et des différentes opérations discursives menant à la transformation du champ politique et à la constitution d’un sujet politique autochtone.

Since the first years of the 21st century, the Ecuadorian indigenous movement, classified as the most overwhelming social actor since its emergence in the mid 1980s, finds itself in crises, with its principal organizations marked by tensions and conflicts. With a departure in the fragmentation of the indigenous movement, the context of the study is the impact of issues related to the concepts of class and ethnicity. In order to achieve a deeper understanding of the topic, the approach is based on a comparative study of different historical periods. The theoretical part of the study mainly focuses on analysing the concept of social movement in relation to indigenous movement. By comparing different periods, the study seeks to demonstrate that the inter-relationship between class and ethnicity has changed due to the context. For example, the revival of once-impotent leftist parties and movements has altered the relations of power and the incentives that strucktured past linkages between the indigenous movement and the political left. Thus, due to the meteoric rise of Rafael Correa and his radical political project, the indigenous movement is confronted with a new kind of challenge. In this context, the concepts of plurinationality and interculturality have emerged and further polarized the positions both between the left and the indigenous movement and between the two indigenous organizations: CONAIE and FENOCIN. In light of these aspects, the ambition of this study is to emphasize the importance of highlightning the concepts of class and ethnicity, when analysing the cause of the current fragmentation of the indigenous movement in Ecuador.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.