The sharing economy is a new promising trend with many positive outcomes on society and the environment, as it provides potential for sustainable solutions due to the reduction of resource consumption and less waste. However, research and practice show that sharing comes with its own share of problems. People often act selfishly, and in worst-case scenarios try to take advantage of others without contributing to the shared good. To achieve the higher goal of sustainability, it is important that conflicts in the sharing economy are prevented, and a setting is achieved that allows people to easily behave in a cooperative and sustainable way. The present research examines which conflicts emerge in sharing communities (study 1) and community gardens in particular (study 2), and whether regulation can prevent conflicts in large groups. Two exploratory studies were conducted. First, a qualitative study with consumers and non-consumers of the sharing economy revealed that regulatory systems are perceived as important for preventing the exploitation of other community members, but also that cooperation should not be enforced with strict controls and punishment. Rather, problems should be discussed in a democratic group setting, rules and goals should be set up together, and trust should be built. Second, a questionnaire study with community gardeners in Austria confirmed these results, and showed that trust is related to less conflict in community gardens, while harsh forms of regulation are related to a potential for greater conflict. Additionally, the results indicate that soft forms of regulation are related to fewer relationship and task conflicts, better conflict resolutions, a high sense of community, and greater trust in the community. We then discuss how these findings can be used to regulate sharing economy activities and give limitations and directions for future studies.

Submitted thesis tries to show importance and irreplaceable space in communicatin at present. It also deals with the need for communication in the basic cell of society - the family. It speaks about the importance and need for mutual communication and the correct listening in families. It deals with the causes of matrimonial crisis and consequences of cinflicts in the family. It speaks about communication differences between man and woman, communication barrires, which causes problems in families and it also speaks about developing sequences of family problems. Similarly, it pays attention to ethics perspective on communication problem in the family. It seeks possibilities for common solutions to these problems, highlighting ethics and communication as the ways of conflict prevention. Still, there are only the rules for proper management of communication and interpersonal problem solving. The purpose of this work is to contribute to understanding the process of communication in the family and realize the need for greater accountability in approach to issues of interpersonal communication.

Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst / A pesquisa busca compreender a relaÃÃo entre moradia e meio ambiente atravÃs da anÃlise dos conflitos envolvendo projeto urbanÃstico municipal para erradicaÃÃo de Ãreas de risco. O desafio que a pesquisa se coloca à observar se tais polÃticas de prevenÃÃo riscos e desastres ambientais no meio urbano tÃm alterado as formas de produÃÃo do espaÃo rumo a uma maior justiÃa ambiental. Parte-se do pressuposto que as medidas apresentadas para moradores de Ãreas de risco, por nÃo atacarem a origem dos problemas geradores de desigualdade ambiental, apresentam soluÃÃes ineficazes e precÃrias mantendo a populaÃÃo aprisionada ao circuito dos riscos, alÃm de se apresentar enquanto discurso legitimador da gentrificaÃÃo do espaÃo. Os moradores, por seu vez, elaboram estratÃgias argumentativas no sentido de garantirem seus direitos por meio de novas atribuiÃÃes de significado dos âriscosâ enquanto estratÃgia discursiva de poder. Tal anÃlise à feita empiricamente a partir de estudo de caso envolvendo o Programa Municipal de RequalificaÃÃo Urbana e InclusÃo Social â PREURBIS em Ãreas de risco no lugar chamado Boa Vista, localizadas no mÃdio curso do Rio CocÃ, Fortaleza-Ce. A Ãrea em que a populaÃÃo està sendo alocada apresenta tambÃm riscos devido a localizaÃÃo da nova moradia estar situada no entorno do lixÃo do Jangurussu. Do ponto de vista material essas âlutas por classificaÃÃesâ se articulam e redefinem disputas materiais entre a defesa do morar dessa populaÃÃo de baixa renda numa Ãrea bem localizada e bem servida de equipamentos pÃblicos e intervenÃÃes urbanas que tem valorizado o espaÃo na lÃgica capitalista, induzindo a substituiÃÃo dos antigos habitantes por outros de renda mais elevada e a retenÃÃo da terra urbana com fim especulativo. Adotou-se metodologia qualitativa com revisÃo de literatura, pesquisa documental, observaÃÃo participante e realizaÃÃo de entrevistas. / The research seeks to understand the relationship between housing and the environment by analyzing the conflicts involving municipal urban project to eliminate risk areas. The challenge that arises is to observe whether such risk prevention policies and environmental disasters in urban areas have been changing the forms (or ways) of space production towards greater environmental justice. It starts from the assumption that the measures presented for hazardous areas of residents by not attacking the source of generating problems of environmental inequality, present ineffective and poor solutions keeping the imprisoned population to the circuit of risk, and present while legitimizing discourse of gentrification of the area. The residents, in turn, develop strategies of resistance through new allocations of meaning of "risks" as a discursive strategy of power. Such analysis is done empirically from case study involving the Municipal Program of Urban Requalification and Social Inclusion - PREURBIS in hazardous areas at a place called Boa Vista, located in the middle course of Rio Coco, Fortaleza-Ce. The area where the population is being allocated also presents risks due to the new dwelling location being situated in the surroundings of the landfill âJangurussuâ. From the material point of view these "struggles for ratings" articulate and redefine material disputes between the defense of living of this low-income population in an area well located and well served by public facilities and urban interventions that have valued the space in the capitalist logic, inducing the replacement of the former inhabitants by other higher-income inhabitants and retention of urban land for speculative purposes. We adopted a qualitative methodology with literature review, document research, participant observation and interviews.

During my years working in pre-school, I have been fearful of bumping into colleagues and ending up with a conflict in the workplace. I have worked in a handful of preschools around Stockholm and more or less have encounted the same phenomenon everywhere.   In my study, I want to immerse myself in this phenomenon. I want to hear from those who work in preschools if they also have experienced what I have experienced.  In order to complete this qualitative study, I have used semi-structured interviews with preschool teachers and pre-school assistants to collect empirical data for the purpose of transcribing and interpreting it. Interviews have taken place in the southern suburbs of Stockholm within the reach of the metro.   The study shows that preschool assistants and preschool teachers have fairly similar views of conflicts and conflict management but differ in their solutions of how to respond to and work with them within the work team. The study also reveals that the assistants often feel inferior to the teachers despite the similarity in tasks and this is because of the power that comes with higher education. At the same time that assistants feel inferior, they also have a great respect for the pre-school teachers.   The main reason for conflicts between educators is stress, misunderstanding and criticism, but they can also involve lesser issues.   Furthermore, the study shows that it is necessary and desired to have more knowledge about conflict management, but that this is rarely available due of the lack of time. / Under mina år som jag arbetat i förskolan har jag varit rädd för att stöta mig med kollegor och hamna i en konflikt på arbetsplatsen. Jag har arbetat på flera förskolor runt om i Stockholm och har stött på samma fenomen överallt.   I min studie fördjupar jag mig i detta fenomen. Jag vill höra från de som arbetar i förskolan om de också har upplevt det jag har upplevt. För att genomföra denna kvalitativa studie har jag använt halvstrukturerade intervjuer med förskollärare och barnskötare för att samla empiriska data att transkribera och tolka. Intervjuerna har ägt rum i Stockholms södra förorter inom tunnelbanans räckhåll.   Studien visar att barnskötare och förskollärare har ganska liknande åsikter om konflikter och konflikthantering men skiljer sig åt i sina lösningar på hur man svarar och arbetar med dem inom arbetslag. Studien visar också att barnskötarna ofta känner sig underlägsna förskollärarna trots likheter i uppgifterna och att detta beror på kraften som följer med högre utbildning. Samtidigt som barnskötarna känner sig underlägsna, har de också stor respekt för förskollärarna.   Den främsta orsaken till konflikter mellan lärare är stress, missförstånd och kritik, men de kan också orsakas av mindre problem.   Vidare visar studien att det är nödvändigt och önskat att ha mer kunskap om konflikthantering, men att detta sällan är möjligt på grund av brist på tid.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the causes and the ramifications of the political conflict in Ivory Coast from 2002 to 2009. A purposive sampling was used to select fourteen respondents. Qualitative methodology was used for the study. The data collection instruments were semi-structured interview questions, open-ended Semi-structured questionnaire and documentary analysis. The analysed data revealed that the causes of the conflict were: competition for scarce resources, bad governance, media incitement, xenophobia, incessant political power struggle and the proliferation of small fire arms entering the country. The effects experienced during the conflict were human rights violation, destruction of property including UN premises and displaced people both internally and externally. Some recommendations made include: Efforts should be made by the Government to strengthen good relationship among different ethnic groups and help them adapt to new challenges that confront democratic developments in the country. The Government should organise the South African style of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to revisit the horrors of the past in order to heal wounds and prevent future occurance of the conflict. Employment opportunities and other income generationg ventures for Ivorian should be created by the Government by attracting local and foreign investors. The numerous rebels should be given special skills training in other for them to be able to live among the communities in Ivory Coast. Government of national unity should be encouraged in situation like this. ECOWAS as well as AU should make sure that when disarmament instituted, it should be done properly. They should always monitor it and not to allow the arms to get into the country again. It is the hope of the researcher that this study makes a contribution towards the prevention of similar conflicts in Africa in the future.

This dissertation consists of three chapters in development economics which investigate questions related to intergroup contact and the consequences of civil conflicts. In the first chapter, I study how refugee networks influence social integration in the host community in the context of Turkey, a country that has been profoundly impacted by the arrival of more than 3.5 million Syrian refugees since 2011. Using a rich dataset on the mobile phone communications of Syrian refugees, I construct village-level measures of refugee presence and social integration. In villages with a larger refugee population, refugees made significantly more phone calls to locals and other refugees, and a higher proportion of their calls were placed to locals. I argue that refugee networks made it easier for their members to interact with locals by sharing information on local norms and creating new opportunities to meet locals. The second chapter examines how the cost of inter-ethnic contact influences inter-ethnic relations. The study uses the staggered improvements of the Indonesian road network during the 1990s and shows that it lowered the cost of intergroup contact. The resulting enhancement in access to other ethnic groups led to increasing rates of inter-ethnic marriages. The third chapter investigates the long-run effects of civil conflicts on human capital that owe their impact to family structure. Specifically, I study how the loss of a sibling during the 1994 genocide against Tutsis in Rwanda affected surviving children. The loss of a sibling had positive effects on human capital and negative effects on wealth. I argue that these results are consistent with standard models of fertility choice, although other mechanisms could also have played a role.

Architecture is a representation of our society’s aspirations and of our social, economic and political paradigms. Since 1994, has the city of Pretoria been successfully represented? Does the city succeed architecturally in creating space that is democratic and that embraces our country’s diversity? The large influx of people within the city of Pretoria has created a terrain consisting of a series of contradictions and conflicts. These conflicts and contradictions within the city are a result of social, economic, spatial, physical and historical tensions that exist within society's social, economic and political paradigms. Physical and spatial reactions have occurred as a result of these tensions that exist within the city of Pretoria. This dissertation will explore these urban spaces that are in tension and investigate what opportunities and limitations such spaces offer the city of Pretoria. The objective is to consider what architectural intervention will arise from the resolution, synthesis or conflict of these tensions. Can these spaces that are in tension within the city foster a new post-apartheid way of city-making. / Dissertation (MArch(Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Architecture / unrestricted

El texto completo de este trabajo no está disponible en el Repositorio Académico UPC por restricciones de la casa editorial donde ha sido publicado. / The real estate sector in Peru has been experiencing sustained growth during the last 10 years, however, due to the constant problems that occur during the development of a project, construction as an investment is increasingly far from being the best option in the market, generally reducing its opportunity cost compared to other more specific investments. To find out what these problems are, a survey was conducted of 25 real estate project managers in Lima, establishing that one of the most recurring problems in the construction sector is conflicts with external stakeholders, mainly with the neighbors surrounding the work, and how these tend to worsen due to inadequate management by project team members who are assigned to resolve the conflict situation.In this sense, this study focuses on knowing the competences that workers have within an organization and what they need to efficiently manage problems with neighbors, and then propose a management model by competences focused on improving the performance of workers of a construction company developing a set of strategies and activities that increase their competitiveness in the face of confrontation between both parts. The results obtained from a real estate construction project indicated that the proposed model manages to reduce or prevent conflicts with neighboring homes, improving the achievement indicators of the aforementioned project under analysis.

In recent years consumers, NGOs, and governments alike have become increasingly concerned about the problem of `conflict¿ or `blood¿ diamonds in relation to on-going armed conflicts in Angola, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Allegations by NGOs, governments and the UN that many conflicts are fuelled by illicit exports of diamonds have begun to be acknowledged by the diamond industry. Diamonds, and the money they generate, have been used to purchase arms, ammunition, uniforms and other equipment, as well as to pay soldiers and to cultivate strategic alliances for those armed groups in control of territory rich in this lucrative resource. This has facilitated the intensification and protraction of violent conflicts in Africa. Additionally, the wealth to be gained from the illicit extraction and sale of diamonds has contributed to the prominence of economic agendas in many civil wars that motivate faction leaders to continue the conflict in order to protect their businesses.1 For example, the Angolan rebel group UNITA (União Nacional para a Inedepência Total de Angola) is believed to have received US$3.7 billion in a six year period during the 1990s - a far greater amount than the foreign aid received from patrons like the United States and South Africa during the Cold War. This money has both funded large scale arms purchases and swelled the personal coffers of UNITA leaders, thereby contributing to the intransigence of those leaders in agreeing and implementing peace and facilitating continued violence.2 In Sierra Leone the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) has funded its arms acquisitions with illicit diamond revenues and the extraction of diamonds is seen as one of the main factors behind the lack of implementation of the Lomé peace accord and the subsequent resurgence of violence. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) both the government and rebel forces have financed their war efforts through the diamond trade, as have some of the intervening regional powers. As a result the fighting around diamond rich areas and trading centres has been particularly intense. For example, in spite of a unilateral ceasefire declared by Rwanda on the 29th of May 1999, it is believed to have sent 7,000 fresh troops to the DRC in June as the battle for the diamond rich area of Mbuji-Mayi escalated. However the prominence of `conflict diamonds¿ in the policy discourse related to these conflicts and their resolution has served to obscure a range of other issues which are equally, if not more, central to finding lasting solutions to these wars. In spite of the fact that the arms flows which sustain these conflicts are only partly financed by `conflict diamonds¿ they are often only mentioned as one aspect of the illegal diamond trade rather than as a core issue. Even more concerning, perhaps, is that the discourse of `greed¿ rather than `grievance¿ as the foundation and driving force of conflicts obscures the complexity of political, social, and other economic dimensions of these wars. Thus, while efforts to reduce the conflict diamond trade may be an essential element of the resolution of these conflicts, other factors of potentially greater import are pushed down the agendas of many of the governments and NGOs whose input into those processes may be the key to success. In short, therefore, the issue 2 of conflict diamonds is one aspect of the complex dynamics and processes of ongoing African conflicts, not vice-versa.

<p>Currently, one of the most dramatic threats to human security is constituted by internal armed conflicts. In 1998, violent conflicts took place in at least 25 countries. Of these armed conflicts, 23 were internal, engaging one or more non-State armed groups. A crucial feature of internal conflicts is the widespread violation of humanitarian law and human rights by armed groups, from rebel groups to private militias. This thesis aimed at identifying various ways of promoting a better implementation of the Geneva Conventions and its Protocols by NSAGs in the Great Lakes Region.</p>