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Nicolas Sarkozy est un personnage politique à part entière. En cinq ans (de 2002 à 2007), il a su se construire une notoriété et une popularité qui lui ont permis de devenir président de la République dès le premier essai et ce, malgré sept ans d’absence, suite à son malheureux soutien à Edouard Balladur en 1995. Quelle fut sa recette ? Une communication issue du marketing politique, lui même issu du marketing commercial, mais pas seulement. La saturation de l’espace médiatique pour créer l’actualité plutôt que la subir est un des principaux ingrédients de ce succès. Un autre ingrédient est le « story telling » qui a été emprunté au monde du spectacle et qui consiste à présenter le personnage de Nicolas Sarkozy en action certes, mais pas uniquement dans le domaine politique. Il a également séduit son électorat avec l’affichage de sa vie privée. Il est devenu une espèce de vedette suivie et commentée par les médias. Alors, que s’est-il passé après son élection ?L’étalage de sa vie privée, ses réactions excessives et son goût prononcé pour l’argent et le luxe ont dévoilé la personnalité d’un homme, différente du personnage qu’il avait construit. En effet, de 2007 à 2012, ses cotes de confiance et de popularité ont baissé constamment dans les sondages. De fait, cette baisse a commencé avant même qu’il ait mis en place une politique impopulaire. Ainsi, nous nous trouvons devant les limites du marketing politique et de la communication. Alors que ces éléments ont permis à Nicolas Sarkozy d’atteindre son objectif du premier coup, ils lui ont été insuffisants pour gouverner la France. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’ils sont uniquement des outils de la forme. Peut-être a-t-il manqué de substance sur le fond. En effet, qu’a t-il fait concrètement pour le pays ? Quel fut l’impact de sa façon de faire de la politique dans notre démocratie ? Quel est le regard des observateurs étrangers sur ce président ? Et surtout, quelle est notre part de responsabilité en tant que citoyens ? / Nicolas Sarkozy is a figure unlike any other in French politics. In five years (from 2002 to 2007), he rose to a level of prominence, allowing him to be elected President in his first attempt. President Sarkozy was elected even after stepping out of visibility in French politics for seven years, due to his unfavorable support of Eduard Balladur, who lost the Presidential election in 1995. How did Sarkozy accomplish this? He implemented a communication strategy, inspired by political and business marketing. Sarkozy’s main strategy was to saturate mainstream media and create his own news rather than be subject to third party reporting. Sarkozy also used “story telling” and pop culture to portray himself as a “people”, presenting his day-to-day life, outside of politics. That’s how he succeeded in seducing the electorate by exposing his private life and becoming a media celebrity. So what happened after his election?By showing off his private life, losing his temper in public and revealing his keen taste for money and luxury, Sarkozy presented a man very different than the figure he constructed during his five years campaign. From 2007 to 2012, Sarkozy’s approval rating dropped consistently, even before presenting any unpopular reforms. Therefore one can see the limits of political marketing and communications, which were fundamental in Sarkozy’s rise to power but proved to be inadequate in facilitating the use of this newly acquired power. Why? In the end Sarkozy’s marketing and communications strategy was merely a superficial instrument, lacking any real substance. After all, what did Sarkozy accomplish for France? What was the impact of Sarkozy’s politics for France’s democracy? What is the opinion of the foreign press, concerning the former president? Finally and more importantly still, what is our responsibility as citizens?

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Esta tese busca analisar a formaÃÃo de uma elite conquistadora na Capitania do Siarà Grande entre os anos de 1679 e 1720, entendendo que o processo de conquista territorial da capitania fez parte da conjuntura polÃtica e econÃmica de afirmaÃÃo dos domÃnios do ImpÃrio ultramarino portuguÃs perante a concorrÃncia de outros Estados Modernos a partir do limiar do sÃculo XVII. A formaÃÃo desta elite conquistadora foi fundamentada a partir do esgarÃamento da relaÃÃo entre Estado e sociedade na medida em que o contexto de guerra contra os gentios, a afirmaÃÃo dos domÃnios territoriais e a prestaÃÃo de serviÃos a Coroa portuguesa, permitiram que as experiÃncias sociais dos sujeitos histÃricos envolvidos se sobrepusessem as normativas impostas pela prÃpria metrÃpole. Evidencia-se esta relaÃÃo nas sesmarias concedidas pela participaÃÃo na guerra justa contra os gentios, quebrando os padrÃes de legalidade, nos arranjos da administraÃÃo da concessÃo de terras pelos capitÃes-mores e no conflito entre sesmeiros, governanÃa local e o juiz das sesmarias, CristÃvÃo Soares ReimÃo, no processo de mediÃÃo e demarcaÃÃo das terras da capitania. Desta maneira, defende-se a hipÃtese de que a efetiva conquista dos sertÃes e das ribeiras do Siarà Grande foi parte integrante da polÃtica lusitana em um contexto de redefiniÃÃes de hegemonias imperiais na Europa e nas Ãreas coloniais e se utilizou da concessÃo de mercà â tais como: patentes militares, tÃtulos distintivos, cargos administrativos e, principalmente, sesmarias â como a forma de ârecrutamentoâ de seus agentes coloniais. O corpus documental da tese à composto por manuscritos avulsos do Conselho Ultramarino (referentes Ãs capitanias do Siarà Grande, Rio Grande, Pernambuco, MaranhÃo e ParaÃba), legislaÃÃo referente a sesmarias (OrdenaÃÃes, Decretos, AlvarÃs e Ãditos RÃgios), cartas de sesmarias e registros de mercÃs do Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo. / This dissertation aims to analyze the formation of a conquering elite in the captaincy of Siarà Grande between 1679 and 1720, considering that the process of conquest of the captaincy was part of the political and economic conjuncture of affirmation of the domains of the Portuguese Overseas Empire, in the face of the competition presented by other Modern States from the early seventeenth century onwards. The formation of this conquering elite was based on the fraying of the relationship between the State and the society; as far as the context of war against the gentiles, the affirmation of the territorial controls and the provision of services to the Portuguese Crown allowed the social experience of the historical subjects involved to overlap the regulations imposed by the metropolis itself, as it is evident in the allotments awarded due to the participation in the just war against the gentiles, breaking the legal standards, in the arrangements of the administration of the land by the captain-generals and in the conflict between the owners of the sesmarias, local government and the judge of the sesmarias, CristÃvÃo Soares ReimÃo, in the process of measurement and demarcation of the captaincyâs land. It is advocated the hypothesis that the effective conquest of Siarà Grande capitancy was fully part of the portuguese policy in a context of redefinitions of the imperial hegemonies in Europe and in the colonial areas and used the concession of benefits (mercÃs) â such as military ranks, distinctive titles, administrative positions and, mainly, allotments (sesmarias) â as the way to recruit the colonial agents. The documental sources of the dissertation consists of loose manuscripts from the Overseas Council (regarding the captaincies of Siarà Grande, Rio Grande, Pernambuco, MaranhÃo e ParaÃba), legislations concerning to sesmarias (Ordinances, Decrees, Licenses and Royal Charters), sesmarias letters and records of benefits (mercÃs) from the Torre do Tombo National Archive.

This study has attempted to show the overarching significance of the conquering motif in relation to discourse dynamics of the entire book of Revelation and the significance of salvific history for its syntagmatic understanding. Based on language-in-use as a whole between the model author and the model audience, syntagmatic analysis (i.e., SVU analysis) and associative analysis (i.e., sign-intertextual reading) are eclectically and concertedly utilized by means of sampling analysis. Utilizing this integrative method, the findings are as follows: (1) the interwoven network of the prologue (Rev 1:1-8) programmatically provides the paradigmatic reading strategy for understanding the key paraenetic motif in the rest of the book against the background of salvific history; (2) by summarizing the churches’ earthly prophetic roles – withdrawal and witness through martyrdom – in terms of conquering, the model author alerts his audience to the military significance of their daily actions or choices in their ordinary earthly lives through visionary communication; (3) just as the prologue preliminarily guides, the ever-forward-moving historical framework serves as an incentive device for the paraenetic-imperative in Rev 2-3 and 4-22.