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<p>During the civil rights era, the two African American political traditions Black conservatism and Black nationalism substantively overlapped. Surveying the literature on Black radicalism and the long civil rights movement, however, mention of this, let alone of a well-articulated strain of conservatism within the African American community during the period, is few and far between. Understanding why Black conservatism has been left out of these conversations comprises my research question. I argue that it is the significant differences between the two ideologies that largely explain this. Namely, Black conservatives’ practice of condemning Blackness, whether during the civil rights era or today, answers why they are left out of the scholarship on Black nationalism and civil rights. It draws a sharp line between Black conservatives, not only from Black nationalists, but mainstream African American identity, too.</p>

Philosophers of mind have recently debated over whether or not there exists a unique cognitive phenomenology – a “what it’s like”-ness to our conscious cognitive mental states. Most of these debates have centered on the ontological question of whether or not cognitive phenomenology exists. I suggest that assuming cognitive phenomenology does exist, it would have important consequences for other areas of philosophy. In particular, it would have important consequences for moral epistemology – how we come to know the moral truths we seem to know. I argue that adopting cognitive phenomenology and the epistemic principle of phenomenal conservatism can do “double duty” for the moral realist: they provide the moral realist with prima facie grounds for belief in the objectivity of morality, while epistemically vindicating the specific contents of their beliefs. / Master of Arts

Throughout the recorded pages of sociological literature it has generally been contended that older people are more conservative than younger people. The major focal point of this thesis is an application of this generalization to a specified, temporal situation via an empirical investigation of the relationship between age and conservative opinions on contemporary issues. In this manner an empirical demonstration of the theoretical relationship between age and conservatism was accomplished. Additionally, an analysis of the relative importance of age as an independent variable related to conservative opinions was achieved. Interviews were administered to a random sample of wives of Virginia Polytechnic Institute faculty members. Data consisted of scores on a Likert-type scale of conservative opinions centering on issues relative to race, law enforcement, and patriotism. With respect to the instrument employed and the sample surveyed, five general findings were noted. First, older persons expressed more conservative opinions than did younger persons, but not to a great extent. Second, there is a positive correlation between age and conservative opinions, but the degree of correlation is not high. Third, the relationship between age and conservative opinions is quantitative, not qualitative. In other words, a polarization of opinions on the basis of age does not exist. Fourth, education is much more important than age as an independent variable related to conservative opinions, although the direction is one of negative correlation. Finally, age is more important than the region or community size of one's childhood as an independent variable related to conservative opinions. / Master of Science

Yes / We examine the effects of banking supervisory architecture on central bank preferences, quantified through a recently proposed measure of central bank conservatism. Using a dynamic panel data specification we document that central banks serving both monetary policy and banking supervision functions are less inflation conservative than those with only a price stability mandate.

No / This article observes separately and jointly the impact of international financial reporting standards (IFRS) and/or board of directors’ independence on accounting conservatism in FTSE 100 nonfinancial firms between 2002 and 2007. Using Givoly and Hayn’s (2000) accrual-based measure of accounting conservatism, we found a reduction in conservatism after the mandatory adoption of IFRS, and, also, that board of directors’ independence improved accounting conservatism. Moreover, IFRS and board of directors’ independence had a complementary impact on accounting conservatism since the role of independent directors was not observable prior to the mandatory adoption of IFRS. Our results suggest that, after the mandatory adoption of IFRS, independent directors are likely to put significantly more pressure on the management to practice more accounting conservatism.