Conservatism reflects a general attitude structure characterized by a preference for traditional social practices and an aversion to uncertainty and threat. Though the social environment undoubtedly plays a role in shaping conservative attitudes, recent studies suggest that trait-level characteristics may contribute to their development as well. The present research investigated trait-level cognitive threat detection ability as a factor which may influence the development and maintenance of conservative social attitudes. A computer simulation indicated that socially conservative attitudes may function as a strategy for increasing the survival rate of an individual with poor threat detection ability living in a relatively dangerous environment. Three studies were conducted to further investigate the hypothesis that individuals who are less accurate in detecting threats would report more conservative social attitudes, particularly when the surrounding environment is perceived to be highly dangerous. In Study 1, participants who were less able to distinguish between images of safe and dangerous stimuli presented outside of conscious awareness tended to endorse higher levels of social dominance orientation, and participants who reported higher belief that the world is dangerous tended to endorse higher levels of social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism, as well as a more conservative political ideology. In Study 2, less accurate detection of threats was associated with a more conservative political ideology. In Studies 2 and 3, experimental manipulations of participants’ dangerous world beliefs failed to produce differences in the endorsement of socially conservative attitudes. An additional experimental manipulation of participants’ perceptions of their own ability to detect threats in Study 3 did not affect the endorsement of socially conservative attitudes either. Across the three studies, the results suggest that individual differences in cognitive mechanisms associated with the ability to differentiate between safe and dangerous stimuli presented outside of conscious awareness may hold a weak but significant relation to socially conservative attitudes. Additionally, the results indicate that individuals who hold a stronger belief that the world is a dangerous place tend to endorse more conservative social attitudes; however, these views appear to be pervasive and persist in the face of short term fluctuations in perceptions of danger.

I investigated the origin of western Amazonian white-sand vegetation and the evolution of plant habitat specialization to different edaphic conditions in Neotropical lowland forests. In order to address these goals I used complementary ecological as well as molecular phylogenetic approaches. Amazonian white-sand forests harbour a flora specialized to nutrient-poor sandy soils, which is distributed as habitat-islands across the Amazon and Guiana Shield regions. This flora has been suggested to have many local and regional endemics, therefore making an important contribution to overall Neotropical plant diversity. The role of habitat specialization in the origin of this flora and its relationships with other floras within the Amazon- Guiana regions is not well understood. To shed light onto these questions, this thesis studies the floristic composition of these forests as well as molecular phylogenetic patterns of selected plant lineages containing white-sand species. The floristic study focused on the white-sand forests of the western Amazon region, which contained 1180 species of vascular plants whereas the non-white-sand Amazon and Guiana Shield dataset consisted of 26,887 vascular plant species. 77% of these species occurred outside white-sand habitats, in other habitat types of the Amazon region, while 23% were white-sand specialists. This demonstrates lower endemism in western Amazonian white-sand forests than previously estimated. 88% of the total westen Amazon white-sand specialist occur within the limits of the Guiana Shield region with the remaining 12% being endemics to the white-sand forests of the western Amazon. Within the Guiana-Shield region, Caquetá Moist Forests (56%), Guayanan Highlands (55%), and Negro-Branco Moist Forests (53%) were the biogeographic regions with the highest proportions of western Amazonian whitesand specialists. Cluster analysis of province level floristic checklists across the Amazon and Guiana regions showed that western Amazonian white-sand forests are nested within floras of the western Guiana-Shield region compared to other floras in the Amazon. Molecular phylogenetic analyses were carried out for the widespread and species-rich families Sapotaceae and Chrysobalanaceae, which display an uneven number of white-sand specialists. Sapotaceae had only three white-sand specialists but Chrysobalanaceae had a larger number of white-sand specialists (14 species). Phylogenetic analysis showed that white-sand specialist species in both studied families were scattered across the phylogenies. Both families show a marked absence of edaphic niche conservatism, suggesting that evolutionary switching amongst habitat types has been frequent. Ancestral state reconstruction of habitat specialization under a maximum likelihood approach suggests that preference for poor soils may be ancestral in these clades, especially in Chrysobalanaceae, but that the evolution of species entirely restricted to white-sand soils is in general much more recent and has multiple origins. For the white-sand flora of the western Amazon in particular, there is little evidence that it comprises ancient lineages as previously hypothesized. The historical construction of the Amazonian white sand flora is more likely to be the result of a gradual accumulation of species with different degrees of edaphic specialization, both by on-going speciation driven via habitat switching from non-white-sand specialists and via regional dispersal events after these habitats became available in regions such as the western Amazon. Edaphic transitions between different habitat types were not evolutionary constrained, which may have favoured edaphic niche evolution and the accumulation of plant species diversity in Neotropical lowland forests.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Derek S. Hoff / In the years immediately after World War II, Dwight D. Eisenhower insisted that he did not want to run for office. However, the general, persuaded by the efforts of Citizens for Eisenhower groups, reversed his decision before the 1952 election. The new politician did not take an easy path to the White House, however, as Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, the leading conservative Republican, fought to represent the GOP. Eisenhower aligned with the moderate faction, the party’s traditional source of power, and joined the Republicans during the early stages of a civil war in the party. From the time Eisenhower received the presidential nomination in 1952 until his death in 1969, he committed himself to leading the GOP and establishing moderate, not conservative, Republicanism as the party’s ideology. However, this aspect of Eisenhower’s political career has largely been ignored by historians. The analyses of Eisenhower that focus on his presidency, rather than his military career, concentrate on policy decisions, omitting the president’s role as party leader during a transformative era. This oversight not only skews Eisenhower’s legacy but also renders analyses of the conservative revolution in American politics incomplete. Before conservative Senator Barry Goldwater secured the Republican nomination in 1964, a very important moment that augured —but did not guarantee — the future triumph of the conservative wing, Eisenhower worked to stop his campaign. Had Eisenhower succeeded, the GOP and American politics could have followed a much different trajectory in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Utilizing documents from throughout Eisenhower’s political career, this study argues that although Eisenhower failed to halt conservatism, he influenced the course of the GOP. During the 1950s and 1960s, Eisenhower helped revitalize the party, improved the party’s organization, and contributed to conservatism’s delayed ascendancy. Furthermore, Eisenhower merits recognition as a party leader who worked tirelessly on behalf of moderate Republicanism, not just as a man with impressive coattails for Republicans to cling to during elections.

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O objetivo de nossa pesquisa foi de explorar a interpretação maistreana da Revolução Francesa, a qual, ao contrário do que postula o senso-comum de boa parte da historiografia, não se limitou às Considerações sobre a França (1797) e sua temática providencialista, pois se manifestou em muitos outros escritos distribuídos entre os 14 volumes de suas Obras Completas e seus inúmeros \'\'Registros de Leitura\'\'. Maistre teve o mérito de integrar sua leitura da Revolução nos quadros da modernização do Ocidente, cujos pressupostos, expressos pela Reforma Protestante e pela Ilustração, permitiram-lhe explicar não apenas a Revolução em França, mas também profetizar o advento de uma era das revoluções. Fundamentalmente, procuramos demonstrar como a reação de Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) ao projeto Ilustrado - e, por extensão, revolucionário - para a humanidade não apenas coincide, surpreendentemente, com o modo como se interpreta contemporaneamente a gênese do mundo moderno, como, apesar de seu caráter e intenções profundamente conservadores, encontra-se amparada em premissas indelevelmente humanistas e racionalistas / This thesis aims to study the Maistrean interpretation of the French Revolution, which, contrary to the common view postulated by great part of the historiography, was not confined to the famous providential treatment exposed in the Considérations sur la France (1797), but manifested instead in many other writings distributed along the 14 volumes of his Collected Works, not to mention the thousands pages of his unpublished notebooks. We would like to show that Maistre had the merit of considering the French Revolution in the light of the long-term historical process of modernization of the West, whose guidelines, expressed by the Protestant Reformation and the Enlightenment, allowed him to explain not only the Revolution in France, but also to predict the advent of an \'age of revolutions \'. Above all, we seek to demonstrate how Joseph de Maistre\'s (1753-1821) critique of the Enlightenment - and, by extension, revolutionary - project to humanity is, surprisingly, not only coincident with the way recent scholars interpret the genesis of the modern world, but, despite its deeply conservative character and intentions, is also supported by indelibly humanist and rationalist assumptions

A presente pesquisa de mestrado procura analisar o conteúdo de discursos de lideranças políticas de direita, com o intuito de averiguar seu potencial de mobilização nos espectadores. O que inclui investigar se as técnicas utilizadas atualmente se assemelham, de alguma forma, com as quais Adorno menciona em seu texto \"As Palestras Radiofônicas de Martin Luther Thomas\". Além de Theodor W. Adorno, também se utilizou da teoria de Sigmund Freud e Siegfried Kracauer. Um segundo objetivo, que contribui com o primeiro, é a análise da montagem, edição e decupagem desses vídeos, justamente para ver como esses processos e os enquadramentos contribuem com essa mobilização. O método utilizado é a análise de estímulos. Os materiais são vídeos de propagandas políticas atuais de políticos que ocupem um lugar no imaginário do povo brasileiro. A escolha por vídeos se deu por conta da propaganda conservadora utilizar, principalmente, da imagem e da propaganda. Ou seja, o objeto é intrínseco ao objetivo e ele faz parte do método / The present master\'s research seeks to analyze the content of speeches of political leaders of the right wing, with the intention of ascertaining their potential of mobilization in the spectators. This includes investigating whether the techniques currently resemble, in some way, with what Adorno mentions in his text, \"The Martin Luther Thomas Radio Lectures.\" In addition to Theodor W. Adorno, it was also used the theory of Sigmund Freud and Siegfried Kracauer. A second objective, which contributes to the first one, is the analysis of the editing and decupage of these videos, precisely to see how these processes and the frameworks contribute to this mobilization. The method used is the analysis of stimuli. The materials are videos of current political propaganda of politicians who occupy a place in the imaginary of the Brazilian people. The choice for videos was due to conservative propaganda mainly using image and advertising. That is, the object is intrinsic to the goal and it is part of the method

O discurso da ideologia de gênero pode ser compreendido enquanto um discurso político que mobiliza sujeitos e grupos sociais em torno de uma agenda unitária no campo das políticas sexuais. Trata-se de um discurso de reafirmação do ordenamento heteronormativo e patriarcal, sendo uma estratégia político-discursiva de característica transnacional, que surge como uma reação de grupos vinculados ao conservadorismo cristão contra o avanço das demandas feministas e LGBT no âmbito das políticas governamentais. No contexto brasileiro, sobretudo ao longo da presente década, o discurso da ideologia de gênero se difundiu na arena político-legislativa, ganhando capilaridade em importantes espaços de deliberação política, como a Câmara dos Deputados, a partir da atuação de parlamentares vinculados/as a uma ampla agenda conservadora protagonizada por lideranças religiosas, católicas e evangélicas. Dessa forma, nesta dissertação, buscamos analisar como o discurso da ideologia de gênero se materializou nos pronunciamentos realizados no Plenário da Câmara, abarcando o período de 2003 (primeira aparição do termo) a 2017. Para o processo de análise, nos amparamos nos pressupostos teóricos e metodológicos da Análise Crítica do Discurso, a partir dos linguistas Norman Fairclough e Teun van Dijk, e nas reflexões oriundas da Psicologia Política. Por análise crítico-discursiva, compreendemos a análise dos entrelaçamentos entre discurso e poder; e por análise psicopolítica, os atravessamentos entre as esferas psicossocial e político-ideológica. O processo de análise foi dividido em dois momentos: o primeiro que intitulamos de análise discursiva socialmente orientada, voltado para a análise do contexto sociopolítico que circunda este discurso, e o segundo de análise discursiva linguisticamente orientada, direcionado à análise linguístico-textual da sua enunciação em uma situação política em específico / The discourse of gender ideology can be understood as a political discourse that mobilizes subjects and social groups around a unitary agenda in the field of sexual politics. It is a discourse of reaffirmation of the heteronormative and patriarchal order, a political-discursive strategy of transnational characteristic, which arises as a reaction of groups linked to christian conservatism against the advance of feminist and LGBT demands in the scope of governmental policies. In the Brazilian context, especially during the present decade, the discourse of the gender ideology spread in the political-legislative arena, gaining capillarity in important spaces of political deliberation, such as the Chamber of Deputies, based on the action of parliamentarians linked to a broad conservative agenda led by religious, catholic and evangelical, leaders. Therefore, in this dissertation, we seek to analyze how the discourse of gender ideology materialized in the pronouncements made in the Plenary of the Chamber, covering the period from 2003 (first appearance of the term) to 2017. For the process of analysis, we rely on the theoretical and methodological assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis, from the linguists Norman Fairclough and Teun van Dijk, and from the reflections presented by the Political Psychology. By critical-discursive analysis, we understand the analysis of the interlacement between discourse and power; and through psychopolitical analysis, the intersections between the psychosocial and political-ideological spheres. The process of analysis was divided into two moments: the first that we denominate socially oriented discourse analysis, focused on the analysis of the sociopolitical context that surrounds this discourse, and the second, linguistically oriented discourse analysis, directed to the text-linguistic analysis of its enunciation in a specific political situation

Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre l’Académie Brésilienne des Lettres (ABL) et le régime militaire brésilien. L’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser dans quelle mesure cette institution – officiellement « apolitique » - put être une instance de légitimation pour la dictature militaire. Nous sommes revenus sur l’histoire de l’ABL depuis sa fondation, privilégiant son rôle dans le champ culturel brésilien dans les années 1960 et 1970. Elle formait à ce moment-là, avec l’Institut Historique et Géographique Brésilien (IHGB) et le Conseil Fédéral de la Culture (CFC) une « structure culturelle conservatrice », lieu de sociabilité des élites intellectuelles et politiques de droite et d’élaboration d’un discours conservateur. La prosopographie a permis de mettre en lumière un groupe d’intellectuels brésiliens tombés dans l’oubli pourtant très actif depuis le régime de Vargas jusqu’au coup d’Etat, ayant du pouvoir dans les médias et dans les réseaux qui facilitaient l’accès aux postes administratifs et politiques. Le quotidien de l’ABL va des cérémonies d’investiture, des visites que les académiciens recevaient, des hommages qu’ils rendaient, à la construction d’une mémoire des héros de la Nation et à l’exaltation de la Patrie. Les militaires se rendaient en grand nombre à chaque investiture, hommage ou commémoration de l’ABL ; réciproquement, lors des hommages et commémorations organisés par le régime, nombre d’académiciens étaient présents. Les académiciens s’engagèrent individuellement en faveur du régime, moins par une participation active dans l’appareil d’Etat que par l’élaboration et la diffusion d’un discours de légitimation fondé sur les grandes interprétations du Brésil des années trente, en particulier celles de Gilberto Freyre. Les données recueillies montrent que l’institution créée par Machado de Assis à la fin du XIXe siècle a concouru à légitimer le régime instauré en 1964. Cependant, cette légitimation ne s’est pas faite par une « collaboration » active mais plutôt par une forme de complicité. C’est le comportement de l’ensemble des membres de l’ABL, en particulier par le silence et différents degrés d’accommodation, par la proximité qu’ils avaient avec les représentants du régime, et par l’élaboration, la diffusion et la circulation d’un discours conservateur renforçant les notions de civisme et de patriotisme qui jouèrent le premier rôle dans ce processus. / This thesis examines the relationship between the Brazilian Academy of Lettres (ABL) and the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1979). The aim of this study is to analyse to what extant this institution – officially “apolitical” – could have been an instance of legitimation for the military dictatorship. This thesis addressed the history of the ABL since its foundation, focusing especially on its role in the Brazilian cultural field in the 1960s and 1970s. At that time, along with the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institut (IHGB) and the Federal Council for Culture (CFC), the ABL constituted a “conservative cultural structure”. It was a place in which right-wing intellectual and political elites socialised and where a conservative discourse was constructed. The prosopography brought to light a group of Brazilian intellectuals that had fallen into oblivion. This group was very active from the Vargas regime to the military coup, with media relations and political power, which enabled a more direct access to administrative and political positions. The everyday life of the ABL intellectuals includes the inauguration ceremonies, visits that academicians received, the construction of a memory of the heroes of the nation and the exaltation of the homeland. The military attended in large number each ceremony, tribute or commemoration organised by the ABL; in turn, several academicians were also present in tributes gathering s and commemoration organised by the military regime. This sociability between academics and members of the military dictatorship contributed to legitimising the regime in place. The academics where individually committed with the regime, less for their participation in the state apparatus than for the development and dissemination of a discourse of legitimation based on the global interpretation of the Brazilian history written in the 1930s, particularly that of Gilberto Freyre. The conclusions of the analyses undertaken in this thesis demonstrate that the institution created by Machado de Assis in the late nineteenth century helped legitimise the military regime established in Brazil in 1964. However, this legitimation was not developed by an active “collaboration” but rather by a form of complicity. It was the behaviour of all the ABL members, especially their silence and their different degrees of accommodation with the dictatorship, the proximity they had with the representatives of the regime, and the construction, the dissemination and circulation of a conservative discourse reinforcing notions of “public spirit” and patriotism that have played a crucial role in this process of legitimation.

Le progressisme est un courant politique né en Équateur dans les années 1860 cherchant à incarner une voie médiane entre le conservatisme et le libéralisme. Une fois au pouvoir, de 1883 à 1895, les progressistes entendent moderniser l’Équateur sur le plan politique et économique. Sur le plan économique, ils cherchent à consolider le modèle agro-exportateur fondé sur le cacao, développer l’enseignement technique et scientifique, construire des voies ferrées et redéfinir les relations entre l’Église et l’État. Ils souhaitent également stabiliser les institutions républicaines, fondées sur le respect des libertés publiques, la séparation des pouvoirs et le suffrage comme source de la légitimité politique. Cependant, les progressistes doivent affronter l’opposition des conservateurs et des libéraux. Isolé et affaibli, le progressisme est renversé en 1895 par les libéraux. Malgré ses échecs, le progressisme représente une étape déterminante dans la construction de l’État-nation en Équateur. / Progressivism was a political movement born in Ecuador in 1860s that aimed at embodying a third way between conservatism and liberalism. While they were in power, from 1883 to 1895, the progressives tried to modernize Ecuador both politically and economically. On the economic level, they sought to consolidate the agroexport model, develop technical and scientific education, build railroads and redefine the relationship between Church and State. They also wanted to stabilize the republican institutions, based on the respect for civil liberties, separation of powers and suffrage as the source of political legitimacy. In spite of its failures, progressivism represents a fundamental step in the formation of the Nation state in Ecuador.

Orientador: Jayro Gonçalves Melo / Banca: Eda Maria Góes / Banca: Raul Borges Guimarães / Banca: Joseli Maria Silva / Banca: Olga Lucia Castrechini de Freitas Firkowski / Resumo: Esta pesquisa, pautada nas relações entre poder e espaço, tem como objetivo principal compreender como se dá a formação dos aqui denominados territórios conservadores de poder. O compilamento de dados secundários, as análises de jornais e das entrevistas, bem como a fundamentação conceitual, direcionaram a pesquisa. Assim, este trabalho, que tem como recorte territorial o centro-sul do estado do Paraná e mais propriamente o município de Guarapuava, aborda três linhas principais, em sentido amplo, que fundamentam a formação desses territórios. A primeira delas diz respeito à ocupação histórico-geográfica que, entende-se, se deu de maneira diferenciada regionalmente. A segunda se motiva nas características sócio-econômicas recentes, produto desse primeiro processo e de outros que ajudaram a evidenciar suas diferenças e similitudes. A terceira linha está motivada na vinculação política e nas relações conservadoras de poder, com elementos referidos às práticas clientelistas, à política sustentada na troca de favores com elevada associação personificada do poder em oposição a pouca ou a nenhuma mediação das instituições. Assim, são duas as abordagens vinculadas ao conservadorismo: uma no sentido de relações economicamente menos dinâmicas e outra no sentido de relações de poder politicamente arcaicas ou tradicionais. Esses aspectos foram considerados segundo a metodologia das redes sociais. Através das redes foi possível observar as articulações dos grupos de poder político locais e dar conta de uma realidade que não se revela de imediato. E se a rede representa a realidade, representa também, aqui, os territórios conservadores de poder, numa articulação que permite confundi-los e concebê-los num misto território-rede. Este trabalho tem... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research, based upon power and space relations, establishes as a main objective to understand how happen the formation of the territories, here named conservative of power. The secondary data compilation, the newspapers and interviews analysis, as well as the fundamentality conceptual, gave direction to the research. So, this work, which has, as a territorial clip, the center south of Paraná State and more appropriate Guarapuava municipal district, approaches three main master lines, in an extensive sense, that justify or substantiate the formation of these territories. The first of them concerns to the historical-geographical occupation that, as understood, happened regionally by a distinguished way. The second motivates itself in the recent social-economic characteristics, as a product of this first process and others which helped to evidence their differences and similarities. The third line is motivated in the political link and power conservative relations, with elements referred to clientele practices, the politics supported by exchange favors, with high association personified of power, in opposite of little or no mediation of the institutions. So, two approaches are linked to the conservatism: one in order to relations economically less dynamics and other in order to power relations politically archaic or traditional. These aspects were considered according to the methodology of social nets. Through the nets was possible to notice the articulations of local politic power groups and show a reality that is not revealed immediately. And if the net represents the reality, it also represents, here, the power conservatism territories, in an articulation that allow to confuse and conceive themselves in a mixture territories-net. This work aims, still, to contribute to strength of studies between power and space relations in the ambit of Geography, therefore, Political Geography. / Doutor