This thesis compares the ways in which the nationalisation process impacted the research practices of academics from two universities, the University of Rio Grande do Sul and the University of Parana. Systematic comparisons of both institutions located in the South of Brazil has shown that the differences between them were, indeed, significant during pre-nationalisation years. In Brazilian terms, they are ‘close’ together since only seven hundred kilometres separate them. However, the necessity for regionalised studies on the development of academic science is demonstrated in this thesis through a focus on specific faculties that achieved remarkably different research results, despite their geographical proximity. The comparative analysis carried out in this thesis reveals that significant differences existed, such as institutional arrangements, disciplinary boundaries and networks, despite the fact that they were often found under similar academic arrangements. The nationalisation project carried out in 1950 did not alter these differences overnight, but introduced a new element in both settings that would shape their scientific capabilities to this day. Substantial new evidence presented here indicates that in the early 1950s President Dutra, perhaps inadvertently, forced research-minded academics in both universities to consider the possibility of adapting their research projects to their nationalised institutions. Because of the chain of events enabled by this initiative, in later years, these universities became some of the most prominent institutional settings for scientific research in Brazil. A comparative study of the differences and similarities between ongoing practices in these academic settings at the moment of nationalisation indicates that nationalisation did not occur in an historical vacuum; rather, it enhanced and legitimised deeply rooted academic traditions that came to shape local research cultures over the following decades. When this context is explored it becomes clear that an understanding of nationalisation actually lends greater coherence to traditional chronologies of Brazilian academic science.

In June 2013, the largest series of protests that Brazil had experienced in more than twenty years erupted in cities across the country. News from Brazil and abroad reported that people protested against the money that local authorities spent on hosting the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games, rather than on the provision of basic public services. The demonstrations, which journalists and academics called the June Journeys, challenged the Brazilian authorities’ efforts to construct and project an image of Brazil as a harmonious and modern nation. This thesis focusses on the reasons and conditions underpinning the media coverage of the June Journeys in relation to the image of Brazil. The study explores the tensions for and over the symbolic construction, projection and contestation of the nation in the current interrelated, transnational and contentintensive media environment. Theoretically, the thesis draws on scholarship on nationalism, media and nationhood, media and social movements, and mediated visibility. Empirically, the study analyses two datasets: (1) 797 newspaper articles, television reports, online videos and photos produced by Brazil’s main newspapers and television newscasts, alternative media collectives, and a selection of foreign media from the United States and Western Europe; (2) sixty-three interviews with Brazilian journalists, foreign correspondents, activists and government officials, who participated in the media coverage of the protests. The analysis of these two datasets suggests that the current media environment is a space of constraint rather than pluralism, in which traditional power imbalances are reproduced. The authorities, activists and journalists constructed competing images of Brazil and then employed strikingly similar strategies to make these images visible. The research also underlines how norms, routines, market imperatives and technologies shape and limit the type of images of the nation shown by these various individuals and organisations through the media.

Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre l’Académie Brésilienne des Lettres (ABL) et le régime militaire brésilien. L’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser dans quelle mesure cette institution – officiellement « apolitique » - put être une instance de légitimation pour la dictature militaire. Nous sommes revenus sur l’histoire de l’ABL depuis sa fondation, privilégiant son rôle dans le champ culturel brésilien dans les années 1960 et 1970. Elle formait à ce moment-là, avec l’Institut Historique et Géographique Brésilien (IHGB) et le Conseil Fédéral de la Culture (CFC) une « structure culturelle conservatrice », lieu de sociabilité des élites intellectuelles et politiques de droite et d’élaboration d’un discours conservateur. La prosopographie a permis de mettre en lumière un groupe d’intellectuels brésiliens tombés dans l’oubli pourtant très actif depuis le régime de Vargas jusqu’au coup d’Etat, ayant du pouvoir dans les médias et dans les réseaux qui facilitaient l’accès aux postes administratifs et politiques. Le quotidien de l’ABL va des cérémonies d’investiture, des visites que les académiciens recevaient, des hommages qu’ils rendaient, à la construction d’une mémoire des héros de la Nation et à l’exaltation de la Patrie. Les militaires se rendaient en grand nombre à chaque investiture, hommage ou commémoration de l’ABL ; réciproquement, lors des hommages et commémorations organisés par le régime, nombre d’académiciens étaient présents. Les académiciens s’engagèrent individuellement en faveur du régime, moins par une participation active dans l’appareil d’Etat que par l’élaboration et la diffusion d’un discours de légitimation fondé sur les grandes interprétations du Brésil des années trente, en particulier celles de Gilberto Freyre. Les données recueillies montrent que l’institution créée par Machado de Assis à la fin du XIXe siècle a concouru à légitimer le régime instauré en 1964. Cependant, cette légitimation ne s’est pas faite par une « collaboration » active mais plutôt par une forme de complicité. C’est le comportement de l’ensemble des membres de l’ABL, en particulier par le silence et différents degrés d’accommodation, par la proximité qu’ils avaient avec les représentants du régime, et par l’élaboration, la diffusion et la circulation d’un discours conservateur renforçant les notions de civisme et de patriotisme qui jouèrent le premier rôle dans ce processus. / This thesis examines the relationship between the Brazilian Academy of Lettres (ABL) and the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1979). The aim of this study is to analyse to what extant this institution – officially “apolitical” – could have been an instance of legitimation for the military dictatorship. This thesis addressed the history of the ABL since its foundation, focusing especially on its role in the Brazilian cultural field in the 1960s and 1970s. At that time, along with the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institut (IHGB) and the Federal Council for Culture (CFC), the ABL constituted a “conservative cultural structure”. It was a place in which right-wing intellectual and political elites socialised and where a conservative discourse was constructed. The prosopography brought to light a group of Brazilian intellectuals that had fallen into oblivion. This group was very active from the Vargas regime to the military coup, with media relations and political power, which enabled a more direct access to administrative and political positions. The everyday life of the ABL intellectuals includes the inauguration ceremonies, visits that academicians received, the construction of a memory of the heroes of the nation and the exaltation of the homeland. The military attended in large number each ceremony, tribute or commemoration organised by the ABL; in turn, several academicians were also present in tributes gathering s and commemoration organised by the military regime. This sociability between academics and members of the military dictatorship contributed to legitimising the regime in place. The academics where individually committed with the regime, less for their participation in the state apparatus than for the development and dissemination of a discourse of legitimation based on the global interpretation of the Brazilian history written in the 1930s, particularly that of Gilberto Freyre. The conclusions of the analyses undertaken in this thesis demonstrate that the institution created by Machado de Assis in the late nineteenth century helped legitimise the military regime established in Brazil in 1964. However, this legitimation was not developed by an active “collaboration” but rather by a form of complicity. It was the behaviour of all the ABL members, especially their silence and their different degrees of accommodation with the dictatorship, the proximity they had with the representatives of the regime, and the construction, the dissemination and circulation of a conservative discourse reinforcing notions of “public spirit” and patriotism that have played a crucial role in this process of legitimation.

Cette thèse analyse les modalités de construction de l’imaginaire du Brésil dans la presse française de la fin du XIXe siècle, l’image de cette nation qui est donnée, par ce biais, aux Français et la façon dont ces représentations sont utilisées en France. Outre leur valeur historiographique, les récits des étrangers servent aux nationaux, notamment au Nouveau Monde, comme moyen essentiel de se construire une identité nationale. Étant un milieu producteur privilégié de ces récits, la presse est déjà florissante en France, dans le dernier tiers du XIXe siècle. Elle sert ainsi de modèle pour le monde entier, dont le Brésil, où plusieurs de ses journaux sont diffusés à destination d’une élite habituée à les lire. Cela est décisif pour la suprématie culturelle française au Brésil. Les dispositifs médiatiques français construisent, selon le registre d’écriture utilisé, trois représentations différentes du Brésil : « exotique », « latin » et « dynamique ». Dans un premier temps, le Brésil est vu comme l’opposé de la France : ce n’est pas un pays de culture mais un pays« de nature », un pays nouveau, peuplé de sauvages, d’esclaves et de rastaquouères et où la nature est, à la fois, admirée pour sa richesse inexploitée et redoutée pour sa présence dominante et dangereuse. Ensuite, même s’il est inférieur, le Brésil est vu comme un important partenaire. La France est le modèle de la culture latine dans laquelle s’inscrit aussi le Brésil. Ces deux représentations du Brésil, toujours en rapport avec la France, sont présentes surtout dans les récits qui utilisent presque exclusivement des sources françaises – récits de voyage, romans d’aventures et feuilletons, annonces publicitaires, rapports financiers et savants, faits divers, brèves mondaines,interviews et articles de fond. Lorsque les sources, produites grâce aux nouvelles technologies, ne sont plus françaises – les dépêches et les télégrammes, écrits à partir du Brésil et par des professionnels –, une troisième représentation du Brésil voit le jour. Celle-ci se sépare progressivement de la France. La professionnalisation de la presse et les développements technologiques mènent, finalement, à des représentations plus diverses du Brésil. / This thesis analyses the construction models of representations of Brazil in the French pressof the late 19th century, the images of this country that are given, by this bias, to the French and howthey are used in France. Besides its historiographical value, the travel narratives from foreigns areused by the nationals, especially in the New World, as an essential mean to construct a nationalidentity. The press, privileged producer of these narratives, is prosperous in France at this time. Sothat it serves as a model for the entire world, including Brazil, where many of its newspapers aredistributed to the elites used to reading them. These are essential factors to the French culturalsupremacy in Brazil.The French media devices build, according to the writing register used, three differentrepresentations of Brazil: “exotic”, “Latin” and “in movement”. First, Brazil is seen as opposed toFrance: it is not a cultural country, but a natural one, a new one, inhabited by savages, slaves andrastaquouères, where nature is at the same time admired for its richness and feared for itsoverwhelming and dangerous presence. Then, although inferior, Brazil is seen as an importantpartner. France is the model of the Latin culture, in which Brazil is included. These twoperspectives, always related to France, are especially present in texts that use almost exclusivelyFrench sources – travel narratives, adventure and serial romances, advertisements, financial anderudite reports, faits divers, high society notes, interviews and articles. When the sources used areproduced due to the new technologies and are not French – as are the telegraphs – a thirdrepresentation of Brazil emerges. This one distances itself progressively from France. Theprofessionalization of the press and the technological developments lead, finally, to the morediverse representations of Brazil. / Essa tese analisa as modalidades de construção de um imaginário sobre o Brasil na imprensafrancesa de fins do século 19, as imagens deste país que são dadas, por este meio, aos franceses ecomo estas são usadas na França. Além de seu valor historiográfico, os relatos de viagem deestrangeiros servem aos nacionais, principalmente do Novo Mundo, como meio essencial de seconstruir uma identidade nacional. A imprensa, produtor privilegiado destes relatos, é prospera naFrança neste momento. A tal ponto que ela serve de modelo para o mundo todo, inclusive para oBrasil, onde diversos de seus jornais são difundidos para as elites habituadas a lê-los. Tais pontossão decisivos para a supremacia cultural francesa no Brasil.Os dispositivos midiáticos franceses constroem, de acordo o tipo de escrita utilizado, trêsrepresentações diferentes do Brasil: “exótico”, “latino” e “dinâmico”. Primeiramente, o Brasil évisto como oposto à França: ele não é um país de cultura, mas de natureza, um país novo, habitadopor selvagens, escravos e rastaqueras onde a natureza é concomitantemente admirada por suariqueza e temida por sua presença dominante e perigosa. Em seguida, mesmo inferior, o Brasil évisto como um importante parceiro. A França é modelo da cultura latina, na qual o Brasil estáinserido. Estas duas representações do Brasil mantêm sempre uma relação à França e são presentessobretudo nos textos que usam quase exclusivamente fontes francesas – relatos de viagem,romances de aventuras e folhetinescos, publicidades, relatórios financeiros e eruditos, faits divers,notas mundanas, entrevistas e artigos. A partir do momento que as fontes usadas não são maisfrancesas e são produzidas graça às novas tecnologias – como as malas e os telegramas, escritos doBrasil e por profissionais – uma terceira representação do Brasil surge. Esta se separaprogressivamente da França. A profissionalização da imprensa e os desenvolvimentos tecnológicoslevam, finalmente, a representações mais diversas do Brasil.

C’est dans le contexte de l’accentuation des disputes entre les empires européens, qu'afin de préserver son empire et d’augmenter son pouvoir politique et économique dans le monde, la France inaugure sa politique culturelle internationale durant l’ultime quart du XIXe siècle. Toutefois, c’est surtout à partir de la dernière année de la Seconde Guerre mondiale que nous constatons une politique culturelle internationale plus pragmatique et une constante augmentation du budget, utilisé par le ministère des Affaires étrangères, pour le rayonnement de la culture française dans le monde. Au Brésil, entre 1945 et les années 1970, cet effort se traduit par la mise en place, par la diplomatie français sur place et au Quai d’Orsay, de stratégies visant à étendre la présence culturelle française sur tout le territoire national (avant la guerre les éléments culturels français sont, de façon disproportionnée, concentrés dans l’axe Rio de Janeiro - São Paulo) et à tous les groupes sociaux (avant 1945 la culture française ne touche pratiquement que l’élite brésilienne). / In the context of heightened disputes among European empires, France launches its international cultural policy during the last quarter of the 19th century to preserve its empire and increase its political and economic power in the world. However, it is from the last year of World War II that the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs uses a more pragmatic policy for international cultural affairs, which includes an increasing budget, to influence French culture in the world. At the Quai d’Orsay, and in Brazil, the French diplomatic effort between 1945 and the 1970s results in established strategies to extend the French cultural presence throughout the national territory and all social groups of Brazil. Before the war, French cultural elements are disproportionately concentrated in the axis Rio de Janeiro–São Paulo; before 1945, French culture influences mostly the Brazilian elite.

S’inscrivant dans l’histoire des relations culturelles internationales, cette thèse porte sur la seconde vague d’américanisation culturelle du Brésil (1946-1978). Elle s’interroge sur la notion d’américanisation, sur ses acteurs et décideurs et sur leurs moyens d’action, ainsi que sur les lieux de rencontres culturels entre le Brésil et les États-Unis. Dans un contexte politique international bipolaire, la seconde américanisation culturelle du Brésil s’insère dans une Guerre froide« périphérique », celle qui dépasse l’axe États-Unis - Union Soviétique : elle est conduite par un réseau complexe de décideurs artistiques, convaincus de l’importance du renforcement de l’amitié continentale américaine. Pour cela, la culture, sous toutes ses formes, s’avère un outil de politique étrangère relevant du soft power, mais aussi un instrument privilégié, voire une « arme » actionnée par des décideurs privés. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux acteurs et médiateurs individuels ou collectifs, à titre étatique ou privé, ainsi qu’à leurs actions culturelles contribuant à la diffusion de l’American Way of Life dans l’axe Rio de Janeiro - São Paulo. Les Brésiliens eux-mêmes, individus comme autorités politiques ou institutions privées, occupent une place déterminante dans cette démarche d’alignement culturel : les Brésiliens invitent ainsi volontiers des artistes états-uniens et organisent ou reçoivent avec sympathie des manifestations culturelles en provenance du « grand frère ». Cette participation brésilienne volontariste conduit l’approche de cette étude : celle d’une américanisation largement « invitée » dans les musées, galeries, théâtres ou instituts culturels brésiliens. Ces lieux de rencontres et domaines culturels ont jusqu’alors été peu analysés par l’historiographie ; mais ils s’avèrent fondamentaux pour la compréhension tout aussi bien de la place attribuée au Brésil dans les circuits internationaux artistiques dans le contexte bipolaire, que de la présence culturelle états-unienne au Brésil ou de la nature des relations internationales des deux géants américains lors de la Guerre froide culturelle. / As a part of the history of the international cultural relations, this thesis focuses on the second wave of the cultural americanisation of Brazil (1946-1978). It questions the notion of americanisation, its actors, its decision makers and their means of action, as well as the cultural meeting places between Brazil and the United States. In a bipolar international political context, the second cultural americanisation of Brazil takes place in a « peripheral » Cold War which oversteps the axis United- States - Soviet-Union. It is realized by a complex network of decision makers who believe in the importance of the strenghtening of the American continental friendship. For that purpose, culture in all its different forms proves to be useful for the « soft power » foreign politic and to be an ideal tool, a true « weapon », in the hands of the private decision makers.This thesis focuses on the actors and the individual or collective mediators, private ones or public ones, as well as on their cultural actions which help to spread the American Way of Life over the axis Rio de Janeiro - Sao Paulo. The Brazilians, individuals, political authorities or private institutions occupy a key place in this cultural alignement process: they invite artists from the United-States willingly and organise or receive cultural events from the « big brother » with sympathy. This voluntary Brazilian participation leads the process approach of this work: a widely « invited » americanisation in the museums, galleries, theaters or Brazilian cultural instituts. These meeting places and cultural areas have not yet been much analysed by the historiography; but they are fundamental for the comprehension of the place given to Brazil in the international art circuits in the bipolar context, for the comprehension of the cultural presence of the United States in Brazil and for the nature of the international relations of the two giants during the cultural Cold War.