Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps (1803-1863) set out on his only trip to Greece and Turkey in 1828 to return to France and produce visual images of the Orient at a time when no major European artist had traveled to the Near East and at a time when the Orient had yet to be experienced, understood, and interpreted. Decamps’ highly original and personal interpretation of the Orient in painting has been studied by present-day scholars exclusively within the context of Romantic Orientalist genre painting. Studying criticism written on his work throughout the 19th century and working closely with his paintings, certain issues in his Orientalist paintings question the longstanding categorization of his work as solely Romantic Orientalist genre paintings. The fact that the artist never returned to the Orient; the fact that he invested his Orientalist landscapes with a Rembrandesque rather than Oriental light; his constant inclusion of contrasting opposites in the ostensibly subdued compositions he produced; the striking differences between his Oriental visual expressions and those of his Romantic contemporaries; and his own sentiment of being a failed artist, reveal alternative, less settled, readings of his work. Studying Decamps’ Orientalist oeuvre in its social and political contexts and taking into account the artist’s personal ambitions demonstrates the lasting resonance of this work, of the artist’s highly original working methods, and of his innovative technique. This study provides an assessment of Decamps’ Oriental work; it also delineates its relevance and influence in movements beyond Romanticism and into trends that developed during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. / Thesis (Master, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2008-12-11 20:43:05.08

Submitted by Daniel de Figueiredo null (dd66fig@gmail.com) on 2018-03-24T10:55:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_DANIEL_DE_FIGUEIREDO.pdf: 17866175 bytes, checksum: 6674e2b4c6e440c8bfb103848fcc4347 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-03-26T13:36:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Figueiredo_D_te_fran.pdf: 17866175 bytes, checksum: 6674e2b4c6e440c8bfb103848fcc4347 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-26T13:36:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Figueiredo_D_te_fran.pdf: 17866175 bytes, checksum: 6674e2b4c6e440c8bfb103848fcc4347 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Cette recherche a pour but d’analyser le rôle politique, religieux et administratif de l’empereur Théodose II (401-450 ap. J.-C.) dans la gestion de la Controverse nestorienne, conflit qui est apparu dans la hiérarchie ecclésiastique de l’Empire romain d’Orient pendant la seconde moitié de son gouvernement (428-450 ap. J.-C.). Dans le domaine théologique, cette controverse était liée aux divergences entretenues par les évêques Cyrille d’Alexandrie et Nestorius de Constantinople à propos de la compréhension de l’interaction entre les natures humaine et divine dans le Christ incarné. Conformément à leurs respectifs imaginaires politiques et religieux, Cyrille, originaire de la région d’Egypte, défendait une union (ἕνωσις) entre ces natures, alors que Nestorius, originaire d’Antioche, dans la province de Syrie I, défendait une conjonction (συνάφεια) entre elles. Telles divergences ont abouti à une polarisation de la société romaine orientale autour de ces idées, parce qu’il y avait un étroit entrelacement des questions religieuses et politiques dans l’Antiquité tardive. L’étendue du conflit peut être vérifiée par la participation de différents segments de fonctionnaires de l’administration impériale qui s’alignaient aux factions formées, puisque les conflits de cette nature dans ce contexte étaient aussi liés à des constructions idéologiques qui ont contribué pour soutenir et donner de l’unité au pouvoir impérial. Cette adhésion des fonctionnaires nous indique que Théodose II n’a pas arbitré seulement un conflit théologique entre les membres de la hiérarchie ecclésiastique, mais que son intervention a nécessité qu’il négocie sa propre position dans la topographie du pouvoir avec des segments des aristocraties qui ont formé ces cadres de personnel. À partir de là, nous caractérisons le conflit non seulement comme théologique, mais aussi comme politique et administratif. Cette perception a été possible à travers notre catalogage des lettres impériales et épiscopales consultées, ce qui nous a permis de visualiser la formation de réseaux de sociabilité entretenues entre les évêques et les fonctionnaires impériaux. Les informations recueillies dans ces documents, en particulier en ce qui concerne les données prosopographiques des auteurs ou des personnes mentionnées dans les lettres, ont été comparées aux oeuvres Livre d’Heraclide, de Nestorius, et Contre Nestorius, de Cyrille, afin de renforcer la perception de la synergie entre les évêques et les fonctionnaires pour la défense de leurs intérêts politico-religieux communs. Ainsi, nous avons travaillé sur l’hypothèse que Théodose II et les auxiliaires qui ont contribué à l’élaboration de ses stratégies d’action n’ont pas négocié seulement l’unité doctrinale autour d’une orthodoxie religieuse avec les membres de la hiérarchie ecclésiastique. Telles négociations visaient également à maintenir l’unité impériale autour de la diversité des éléments culturels, politiques, administratifs et territoriaux avec d’autres groupes détenteurs du pouvoir, c’est-à-dire, les fonctionnaires impériaux qui contribuaient à légitimer la position centrale de Théodose II en tant que gouverneur. Le jeu de concessions établi par l’empereur à travers l’alternance de soutien entre les factions cyrillienne et nestorienne, qui peut être perçu à l’occasion du Concile d’Éphèse I (431), de la Formule de Réunion (433), au Synode de Constantinople (448) et du Concile d’Éphèse II (449), ne nous indique pas l’incapacité politique de Théodose de conduire le conflit, comme l’historiographie a fréquemment signalé à ce sujet. Dans notre perspective analytique, les mouvements impériaux comprenaient des négociations stratégiques visant à accommoder les intérêts et à contrebalancer des pouvoirs avec les aristocraties de fonctionnaires issus de différentes régions de l’Empire qui s’associaient aux évêques dans le conflit théologique. / Essa pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a atuação político-religiosa e administrativa do imperador Teodósio II (401-450 d.C.) no gerenciamento da Controvérsia Nestoriana, conflito que emergiu na hierarquia eclesiástica do Império Romano do Oriente, durante a segunda metade do seu governo, de 428 a 450 d.C. Na esfera teológica, tal controvérsia esteve relacionada às divergências mantidas pelos bispos Cirilo de Alexandria e Nestório de Constantinopla no que se refere ao entendimento da interação entre as naturezas humana e divina no Cristo encarnado. Consoantes aos respectivos imaginários político-religiosos em que se inseriam, Cirilo, originário da região do Egito, advogava uma união (ἕνωσις) entre aquelas naturezas, ao passo que Nestório, oriundo de Antioquia, na província da Síria I, defendia apenas uma conjunção (συνάφεια) entre elas. Tais divergências resultaram em uma polarização da sociedade romana oriental em torno daquelas ideias, tendo em vista o estreito entrelaçamento que as questões religiosas e políticas eram percebidas na Antiguidade Tardia. A amplitude do conflito pode ser verificada pela participação de diferentes segmentos de funcionários da administração imperial que se alinharam às facções formadas, pois os conflitos dessa natureza, naquele contexto, estavam, também, relacionados a construções ideológicas que contribuíam para dar sustentação e unidade ao poder imperial. Essa adesão dos funcionários nos indica que Teodósio II não arbitrou apenas um conflito teológico entre membros da hierarquia eclesiástica, mas que sua intervenção necessitou que ele negociasse a sua própria posição na topografia do poder com segmentos das aristocracias que formavam esses quadros de funcionários. A partir daí, caracterizamos o conflito não somente como teológico, mas, também, como político-administrativo. Essa percepção foi possível por meio da catalogação e mapeamento das cartas imperiais e episcopais consultadas, que nos permitiram visualizar a formação das redes de sociabilidade mantidas entre bispos e funcionários imperiais. As informações colhidas nesses documentos, sobretudo no que se refere aos dados prosopográficos dos missivistas, ou daqueles indivíduos citados nas cartas, foram cotejadas com as obras Livro de Heraclides, de Nestório, e Contra Nestório, de Cirilo, no sentido de reforçar a percepção de sinergia entre bispos e funcionários na defesa dos seus interesses político-religiosos comuns. Assim, trabalhamos a hipótese de que Teodósio II, e aqueles auxiliares que contribuíam na elaboração das suas estratégias de atuação, não estavam negociando somente a unidade doutrinal em torno de uma ortodoxia religiosa com membros da hierarquia eclesiástica. Tais negociações também visavam a manutenção da unidade imperial em torno da diversidade de elementos culturais, políticos, administrativos e territoriais, com outros grupos detentores de poder, ou seja, os funcionários imperiais que contribuíam para legitimar a posição de centralidade de Teodósio II como governante. O jogo de concessões estabelecido pelo imperador por meio da alternância de apoio entre as facções ciriliana e nestoriana, que pode ser percebido por ocasião do Concílio de Éfeso I (431), da Fórmula da Reunião (433), do Sínodo de Constantinopla (448) e do Concílio de Éfeso II (449), não nos indica uma inabilidade política de Teodósio II em conduzir o conflito, conforme frequentemente registrou a historiografia sobre o assunto. Em nossa perspectiva de análise, tais movimentos abarcavam negociações estratégicas que visavam acomodar interesses e contrabalancear poderes com as aristocracias de funcionários oriundas de diferentes regiões do Império e que se associavam aos bispos na disputa teológica. / This research aims to analyze the political-religious and administrative performance of the emperor Theodosius II (401–450 A. D.) related to the management of the Nestorian Controversy, conflict that emerged in the ecclesiastical hierarchy of the Eastern Roman Empire during the second half of his rule, from 428 to 450 A. D. In the theological sphere, this controversy was related to the disagreements maintained by the bishops Cyril of Alexandria and Nestorius of Constantinople regarding the understanding of the interaction between the human and the divine nature of Christ incarnate. Consistent with the respective political-religious imaginary to which each one belonged, Cyril, a native of that region in Egypt, advocated a union (ἕνωσις) between those two natures, whereas Nestorius, a native of Antioch, in the province of Syria I, defended only a conjunction (συνάφεια) between them. Such divergent opinions resulted in a polarization of the Eastern Roman society regarding those ideas, considering that religious and political aspects used to be perceived as being narrowly interlaced in Late Antiquity. The extent of the conflict can be verified by the participation of officials from various segments of the imperial administration who aligned with the formed factions, as such conflicts, in that context, were also related to ideological constructions that contributed to provide support and unity to the imperial power. The adherence of the officials indicates that Theodosius II not only did manage a theological conflict between members of the ecclesiastic hierarchy but also that his intervening in the conflict demanded him to negotiate his own position on the topography of power with segments of the aristocracy that composed these groups of officials. Therefore, we characterize the conflict not only as a theological one, but also as a political-administrative one. This perception was made possible through the cataloging and mapping of the imperial and episcopal letters analyzed, which allowed us to visualize the formation of the sociability networks kept between imperial officials and bishops. Data extracted from those documents, particularly those referring to the prosopographical data of the letters’ authors, or from those individuals mentioned in the letters, were analyzed in contrast with Nestorius’s work entitled Book of Heraclides, and Cyril’s work entitled Against Nestorius, in order to reinforce the perception of synergy between the bishops and officials in the defense of their common political-religious interests. Thus, we study the hypothesis that Theodosius II and those who assisted him in elaborating his strategies of action, were not only negotiating the doctrinal unity around a religious orthodoxy with members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Such negotiations also aimed at keeping the imperial unity regarding cultural, political, administrative, and territorial elements, with other groups that had the power, i.e. imperial officials that used to contribute to legitimate the position of centrality of Theodosius II as a ruler. The concessions game established by the emperor by alternating support between cyrillian and nestorian groups, which can be observed during the Council of Ephesus I (431), the Formula of the Reunion (433), the Synod of Constantinople (448), and the Council of Ephesus II (449) do not indicate a political inability of Theodosius II to conduct the conflict, as frequently recorded in the historiography on the subject. From our standpoint, such moves included strategic negotiations that aimed at accommodating interests and balancing powers with the aristocracies of officials from various regions of the empire and that joined the bishops in the theological dispute. / 13/24320-4

For many Christians the names ‘Constantine’ and Nicaea are not a familiar idea. In instances where they do recognize these names, they tend to be prejudiced towards the ‘pagan emperor’ and the ‘venerated council’ (Olson 1999:160). The importance of the First Nicene Council and the emperor’s role in the council may be seen as historical only. However, the events related to the development of the Nicene orthodoxy and the role the emperor played in the development of the relations between politics and religion are still influencing the lives of Christians today and therefore, these important events are in need of a review, this time from an African perspective. A probe into the imperial religious-political play may hold many significant answers in relation to contextualization, enculturation, dogmatic teaching, and the relationship between the church and state, amongst other things. In this dissertation document analysis is used in literature study to establish the significance of one of the interactive factors in the period leading to the first ecumenical council. Using a tri-categorical classification of the era, this study reviews the Jewish-Christian schism, Hellenism, and ultimately the role of imperial politics in the development of Christianity. The Jewish-Christian schism refers to the separation between Judaism and Christianity as the conceptive stage of the dynamics through which ecumenical orthodoxy was formed. Hellenism broadly refers to the integration of philosophy with Christianity. Finally, imperial politics was the political dynamic that contributed to the formation of ecumenical orthodoxy. This facilitated an investigation of the era between AD 70 and 325, enhancing a revisionist approach to Constantine, the Nicene Council and the orthodoxy that emerged post AD 325 – with an implied deduction of ecclesiastical polities which became an unconventional phenomenon. The study, engaging with primary sources and specialist scholarship on the era, derived and developed a revisionist approach on Constantinian influence upon Christianity. In the findings the ecclesiastical polity appeared as the significant influence in the shaping of ecumenical orthodoxy. The ecclesiastical polity itself being a factor of the very process of self-definition and contextualization. The significance of enculturation as established in the research implied cultural diversity as a major factor in the formation of religious orthodoxy, xix hence this implied the Jewish Christian schism as the departure point of enquiry. The research implied the development of social models as an interpretation and analysis of the hypothesis. The aforementioned social models had implications for Christian/religious eras even post the one at study. Therefore, making the hypothesis a tool of measuring the interaction of politics, socio-ethnic dynamics and religion in different eras. In principle the study enables a review of history as a factor of these three elements culture, religious syncretism and politics. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Church History)

Throughout the ages historical text criticism has been used to study texts of ancient authors of Christian ethical values. Two such persons were Paul the apostle and John Chrysostom. This study shows that text historical criticism is not without problems. The problem lays not so much in the idea of historical text criticism, but how it was and is still being applied today, it is never without bias. This use of the texts of Paul and Chrysostom who were both very outspoken on the subject of sexuality has caused great amounts of emotional and in cases also physical pain to people who misapplied historical text criticism and as Martin and others have effectively shown, any such interpretation of text that has a intention to hurt people cannot be the right method. Ancient sexuality worked and was constructed completely different from the sexuality of modernity. The way gender was appropriated in ancient times, the way sexuality was construed and applied were set against a wholly different context and set of rules than that of the current day. This becomes clear in Roman and Hellenistic sexuality that is discussed in detail in this study. Unlike modern times, the ancients did not have a simplistic two-sex model that was based on biological sex, in their world, one’s actions determined one’s sex. Both Paul and Chrysostom were very well educated people, they were aware of philosophic thought in their day and took these thoughts into account whilst saying and writing what they did. Paul was at heart a dedicated Pharisee who only later turned toward Christianity. He was well acquainted with Jewish sexual ethics; he had an absolute repulsion towards any form of desire, which he believed led to many other sins. His writings available to us should not be seen as biographies but as letters intended to be arguments with very good rhetoric and diatribe, written with the goal of achieving to convince the receiver or listener. He was extremely conservative in his viewpoint on sex, if he could have had his way, no sexual contact between any person would have existed, but he realised that not everybody had the same gifts he had. This point of view was mostly because of his eschatological worldview, for Paul when you became a Christian you became a slave of God and you were no longer a slave of any passions, so much the more, the passions of the flesh. Chrysostom, who lived almost four hundred years later, had a great veneration for Paul. He basically shared all Paul’s views on sexuality, although not always for the same reasons. Chrysostom was however, in his way also eschatological. His life, like that of Paul was caught up in many confrontations, which had an influence on the way he thought and the things he had opinions on. Chrysostom, like Paul preferred the ascetic lifestyle not only for himself but for everyone, he believed that marriage accompanied death–both spiritual and physical in the end. He so much clang to the ideas of Paul, that a sort of “Paulism” developed. Chrysostom, however noble his sayings might come across did not always have the purest of motive, some of the things he did or say was to achieve a certain political goal, even if it was just to gain more power for the church. This is one aspect that should be kept in mind when studying his texts. Unfortunately, for many people, many misinterpretations, be it willingly/intentionally, many mistranslations of key words on the Bible (like the word malakos) have been made. What so ever the intention–be it to propagate popular social sexual propaganda, or whatever–this is and was not right. Like mentioned many people has experience hurt because of this. Rhetorical text analysis is being set forward as an alternative to historical text criticism in a slight but hopeful effort to overcome this problem and enable the churches of today to welcome many more Christians into their families. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M. Bib. (New Testament)

Haig Utidjian - Abstract In this thesis we attempt to establish, in as concrete and tangible a manner as possible, the procedures used by Ełia Tntesean (1834-1881) in compiling and redacting his version of the melodies of the Armenian Hymnal, and to place his own endeavour in the context of other attempts to record the melodies of Armenian hymns using the Limōnčean system of musical notation in nineteenth-century Constantinople - at a time when the mediaeval neumatic notation had already become largely intractable. Our approach entails the juxtaposition of Tntesean's musicological articles and paedagogical publications with his transcriptions in Western notation and with his mature realisations of the hymnal melodies in the Limōnčean system, published posthumously in 1934 - treating these sources as a coherent corpus, of which the diverse components are allowed to shed light on each other. Comparison with other hymnals from the same period, the investigation of parallels with the neighbouring practice of Ottoman makams, fieldwork with surviving remnants of the oral tradition, and a critical examination of Tntesean's writings and transcriptions enable us to elucidate aspects of notation and performance practice, and to expose a subtle evolution in aesthetic. Furthermore, a detailed analysis of the Tntesean...

L’empire de Constantinople, après un siècle (969-1085) de domination sur de vastes portions de l’Orient (Cilicie, Chypre, Syrie du Nord et Djézireh), et de rayonnement au-delà jusqu’à Jérusalem, dut reconstituer sa présence dans cet espace à partir de la fin du XIe siècle. L’arrivée de nouveaux acteurs chrétiens autonomes, Francs et Arméniens, compliqua l’équation politique de l’Empire, qui ne devait plus uniquement reconstruire sa domination sur ses anciens sujets, mais aussi compter avec ces forces. L’empire de Romanie vécut en Orient, parallèlement aux Croisades, une intense phase de redéfinition de sa réalité régionale, de ses modalités de fonctionnement et de son rôle politique. Cependant, cette expérience, qui se prolongea sur près de deux siècles, ne saurait se limiter à une simple projection de puissance de Constantinople sur cette périphérie. Malgré les bouleversements qui frappèrent le cœur de l’Empire de 1081 à 1289, la référence impériale se maintint en Orient sous les Comnènes, les empereurs latins et nicéens, puis sous les premiers Paléologues. Le processus ne fut durable que grâce à la redéfinition progressive de l’identité impériale locale. Ses contours varièrent par l’adjonction d’éléments hétérogènes, contribuant à complexifier l’empreinte de l’empire de Romanie en Orient. La Romanie orientale fut une solution à l’équation politique des pouvoirs locaux (la principauté d’Antioche, le comté de Tripoli et les royaumes de Chypre et d’Arménie principalement) pour réussir leur intégration régionale en la conjuguant avec un héritage impérial constantinopolitain, incluant l’Orient helléno-arabe. / The empire of Constantinople, after a century (969-1085) of domination over large part of oriental territories (Cilicia, Cyprus, North Syria and Djezireh) during which it exerted its influence over Jerusalem, had to restore its influence in this space from the end of the eleventh century. The arrival of new autonomous Christian players, Francs and Armenians, complicated the empire’s political equation, which had not just to rebuild his domination over its old subjects, but also had to allow for these forces.The empire of Romanie lived in the East, at the same time of the Crusades, an intense period of redefinition of its regional reality, of its modes of running and of its political role. However, this experience, which lasted for two centuries, can’t be confined to a simple projection of Constantinople’s powerful onto this periphery.Despite the disruptions which hit the heart of the empire, from 1081 to 1289, the imperial reference persisted in the East under the Comneni, the Latin and Nicene emperors, and under the firsts Paleologues.The process was lasting because of the gradual redefinition of regional imperial identity. Its contours were varied by the addition of heterogenic elements, which contributed to complicate the imperial mark in the East.Oriental Romania was a solution to the political equation of local authorities (Principality of Antioch, the County of Tripoli and the kingdoms of Cyprus and Armenia mainly) to succeed in their regional integration, combined with an imperial Constantinopolitan heir, including the Hellenic and Arabic East.

The dissertation is devoted to the problems of the perception of Muslims and the threat posed by the Ottoman by the Byzantine and East-European writers of the XV century. According to the materials of historical works analyzed the ratio of the authors to the representatives of the Islamic faith in a severe foreign situation and also domestic religious contradictions. Analysis of the works of Byzantine and Balkan writers allows us to trace the evolution of the views of historians on the matter and to reveal the extent of their bias. According to the Byzantine and East-European sources revealed the attitude of the authors of the XV century to the Turks and denoted points of contact of Christian and Muslim civilizations in the context of military confrontation, also investigated the attitude of the authors to the key events of the Turkish expansion in the XV century - Battle of Varna in 1444 and the capture of Constantinople in 1453. The dissertation also addresses the problem of mutual Christians and Muslims considered in the interpretation of the writers and the question of the possibility of cultural and religious dialogue between the warring parties. / Диссертация посвящена рассмотрению проблемы восприятия мусульман и угрозы со стороны османов византийскими и восточно-европейскими писателями XV века. По материалам их исторических произведений анализируется отношение авторов к представителям исламского вероучения в условиях тяжелой внешнеполитической ситуации и внутренних религиозных противоречий. Анализ сочинений византийских и балканских писателей позволяет проследить эволюцию взглядов историков относительно данного вопроса и выявить степень их тенденциозности. По данным византийских и восточно-европейских источников выявляется отношение авторов XV в. к туркам, обозначаются точки соприкосновения христианской и мусульманской цивилизаций в контексте военного противостояния, а также исследуется отношение авторов к ключевым событиям турецкой экспансии XV в. - битве при Варне 1444 г. и захвату Константинополя в 1453 г. В диссертации также затрагивается проблема взаимовосприятия христиан и мусульман в интерпретации рассматриваемых писателей и ставится вопрос о возможности культурного и религиозного диалога между представителями противоборствующих сторон.

The Sermo antequam iret in exilium and the Sermo cum iret in exsilium are two homilies allegedly pronounced by John Chrysostom in Constantinople at the end of summer 403, some time between the verdict of the Synod of the Oak and the day he left the city for his first exile. The aim of the thesis is to demonstrate that a new critical edition of these texts is needed before any study of their literary and historical value can be conducted. Chapter one sketches the historical background to which the text of the homilies refers and a concise survey about previous scholarship on the homilies on the first exile, from the time of Montfaucon’s edition until our days. The problem of the authenticity occupies the last part of the chapter. Chapter two investigates the history of the texts and takes into account both the direct and indirect traditions. It discusses the existence of double recensions hitherto unknown and provides the prefatory material for the new critical edition of recensio α of Sermo antequam iret in exilium and of the Sermo cum iret in exsilium. Chapter three comprises the Greek editions of the two homilies, as well as a provisional edition of the Latin version of the Sermo antequam iret in exilium. Chapter four is divided into two parts, each presenting a philological commentary on the text of the new editions. Systematic analysis of all the most important variant readings is offered. The final chapter summarizes the new findings and assesses the validity of previous criteria used for discerning the authenticity of the homilies on the exile.

The thesis is divided into three sections. The first section discusses the manuscript Marcianus graecus 524, the second looks at the Greek text of the dedicatory epigrams on works of art from the same manuscript, and the third puts these texts in their context. In the first part, the compilation of the manuscript is analysed. I suggest that the manuscript was copied mainly by one individual scribe living in Constantinople at the end of the thirteenth century. He copied the quires individually, but at some point he put all these quires together, added new quires, and compiled an anthology of poetry. The scribe’s connection to the Planudean School and the Petra monastery in Constantinople is discussed. Although their relationship remains inconclusive, the manuscript provides evidence regarding the literary interests of late-thirteenth-century intellectuals. The second part contains thirty-five unpublished dedicatory epigrams on works of art. New readings are offered for the text of previously published epigrams. The third section analyses the dedicatory epigrams on works of art in their context. The first chapter of this section discusses the epigrams as Gebrauchstexte, i.e. texts with a practical use. The difference between epigrams intended to be inscribed and epigrams intended to be performed is highlighted. In the next chapter of this part, La poésie de l’objet, the composition of the dedicatory epigrams is discussed. The conventional character of the epigrams suggests that the poetics express the ritual aspect of the epigram. The last chapter considers the texts from a more pragmatic angle. After a short discussion of the objects on which the epigrams were written, the mechanisms of the twelfth-century art market are presented based on evidence taken mainly from the epigrams. At the end of this part, conclusions are drawn on the understanding of these texts in the twelfth century.

The purpose of this thesis has been to provide an English translation of