Kiekvienos demokratinės valstybės teisinės sistemos pagrindas yra konstitucija, todėl svarbus jos viršenybės užtikrinimas. Neginčytinai svarbią vietą konstitucingumo užtikrinimui valstybėje užima konstitucinės kontrolės institucijos. Šiame darbe yra analizuojama glaudžiais ryšiais susijusiose kaimyninėse Lietuvos ir Lenkijos valstybėse vykdoma konstitucinė kontrolė. Perėjimas prie demokratijos, naujų konstitucijų priėmimas, teisinė reforma neatskiriama nuo konstitucinės kontrolės įtvirtinimo. Beveik visos Vidurio ir Rytų Europos šalys, tarp jų ir Lenkija ir Lietuva, siekdamos užtikrinti konstitucijos viršenybę, pasirinko europietiškąjį konstitucinio teismo modelį. Taigi šią funkciją abiejose šalyse atlieka specialiai tam įsteigtos institucijos: Lietuvoje - Konstitucinis Teismas, Lenkijoje - Konstitucinis Tribunolas. Darbe trumpai apžvelgiama konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų Lenkijoje ir Lietuvoje susiformavimo istorija, jų įtvirtinimas konstitucijose. Remiantis daugiausiai aprašomuoju, lyginamuoju ir analizės metodais nagrinėjama šių institucijų formavimo tvarka, teisėjų teisinis statusas, priimamų baigiamųjų aktų galia. Konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų įgaliojimų apimtis abiejose šalyse yra panaši, tačiau Lenkijos Konstitucinio Tribunolo kompetencija neapima kai kurių įgaliojimų, neretai pavedamų konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų kompetencijai. Neabejotinai svarbią darbo dalį užima Lenkijos ir Lietuvos konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Constitution is the basis of every democratic countries law system and it is very important to guarantee its supremacy. Undoubtedly institutions of constitutional justice take significant place in assurance of constitutional conformity in state. Author analyses constitutional control implemented by two neighbour countries close related to each other: Lithuania and Poland. Entrying into democracy, adoption of new constitutions, legal reform are inseparable from establishment of constitutional justice. Almost all Central and East Europe countries, including Lithuania and Poland, chose an european constitutional control model in order to guarantee the supremacy of constitution. The Constitutional Court in Lithuania and the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland were established especially for this purpose. Mostly using descriptive, comparative and analysis methods the order of these institutions formation, legal status of judges, the power of final acts are discussed. The competence of constitutional justice institutions of Lithuania and Poland is analyzed as well. The extent of competence is similar in both countries, although the competence of Constitutional Tribunal of Poland does not include few functions, usually typical for constitutional control institutions. Certainly an important part of this work takes the analysis of constitutional control institutions adopted acts legal effects. This question is one of the most fundamental questions in... [to full text]

The main argument of this study is that the right of Indigenous peoples in Peru to consultation has little practical force and effect, since the Peruvian Constitutional Tribunal is not prepared to base it on a broader right of self-determination. I centre my investigation on the 2005-2011 decisions of the Constitutional Tribunal of Peru regarding the right to consultation. In these decisions, the application of the right to consultation is divorced from a perspective informed by the right of Indigenous self-determination. The main consequence of this divorce is that it obscures the pragmatic and symbolic dimension of the right to Indigenous self-determination, debilitating the practical and symbolic potential of the right to consultation. The lack of correspondence between the right to consultation and the right of indigenous self-determination is built into the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal and reflects the bias of its judges. This bias is actually a continuation and accommodation of old prejudices of the dominant society against Indigenous peoples in Peru; it is part of the pervasive cultural discrimination that is embedded in Peruvian society and that has been translated into jurisprudential terms and language. This bias is also a symptom of the invisibility of the cultural manifestations of Indigenous peoples and the resultant obscuring of cultural differences in general. This situation illustrates that the racism that existed in the colony, and continued during the republican era in Peru, has not died, but has merely been transformed into a more subtle form of legal and constitutional colonialism. / Graduate / 0326 / alvaro.cordova@mail.mcgill.ca

The digital age has reconfigured the security services, especially the forms of mass surveillance aimed at preventing various threats to society. However, this scenario may become problematic from the perspective of protecting the freedom of the media and journalistic privilege. The author of this article offers an overview of the scope of the protection of the journalistic privilege pursuant to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, as well as its management in Poland from the developments prepared by its Constitutional Court. / La era digital ha reconfigurado los servicios de seguridad, sobre todo las formas de vigilancia masiva que buscan prevenir distintas amenazas para la sociedad. No obstante, este escenario puede convertirse en problemático desde la perspectiva de la protección de la libertad de los medios de comunicación y del privilegio periodístico. El autor del presente artículo nos ofrece un panorama sobre los alcances de la tutela del privilegio periodístico en el Convenio Europeo para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos y de las Libertades Fundamentales, así como sobre su tratamiento en Polonia a partir de los desarrollos realizados por su Tribunal Constitucional.