This dissertation investigates syntax and semantics of copular clauses containing two NPs. Since Higgins (1973) four semantically distinct types of copular clauses have been recognized in the literature, i.e. predicational, equative, specificational, and identificational clauses. There are many proposals aiming to reduce the number of copular clause types via collapsing certain types into others. This dissertation contributes to the debate by providing novel evidence from Czech that identificational clauses are predicational and specificational clauses are inverted predicational or equative clauses. Czech provides an excellent tool to investigate copular clauses for three reasons: (i) rich phi-feature agreement, (ii) case alternation, (iii) analytical verbal morphology. Using the three properties Czech offers, I argue that specificational clauses are derived via scrambling of a structurally lower NP over a structurally higher NP. Consequently, I support the inversion analysis of specificational clauses (Moro, 1997; Den Dikken, 2006; Mikkelsen, 2006; Heycock, 2012, a.o.). I also argue that specificational clauses may be derived from both, predicational and equative clauses. In contrast, identificational clauses, despite their initial resemblance to specificational clauses, are argued not to involve inversion, therefore providing empirical support for Heller and Wolter (2008). I also present novel empirical data from Czech that show that the interpretation of the pronoun in identificational clauses is restricted by the copular agreement. In order to account for the restriction, I argue that both NPs in identificational clauses Agree with the copula via a Multiple-Agree chain (see Hiraiwa (2005)). / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

La distinción entre copulativas ecuativas (p.e. Ana es la única mujer) y predicativas (p.e. Ana es una mujer) se basa en criterios sintácticos. En las ecuativas, la concordancia de género entre el sujeto y el complemento no es obligatoria (p.e. Pepe era la chica de azul sentada allá) y éste se reemplaza por un pronombre nominativo (p.e. Pepe es el chico sentado allá/Pepe es él). En las predicativas, la concordancia de género y número entre el sujeto y el complemento, aparentemente, es obligatoria (p.e. Ana es linda/*-o,*-as,*-os) y éste se reemplaza por el indeclinable lo (p.e. Ana lo/*ella/*la/*le es). Propongo que estos datos sirven de base para postular que ecuativas y predicativas no comparten una estructura sintáctica común en el español. Perelstvaig (2000), a partir de datos del ruso y del italiano, explica que la diferencia entre predicativas y ecuativas se debe a que las primeras incluyen una Cláusula Reducida (CR) cuyo núcleo es una categoría funcional predicativa (Ø) (p.e. cópula [FDet-(Ø)-FN]) y las segundas no tienen tal núcleo (p.e. cópula [FDet₁-FDet₂]). En la misma línea, Haegeman (1994) propone que las predicativas incluyen una categoría funcional –concordancia de género y número (Conc)– en su CR (p.e. cópula [FDet-(Conc)-FN]) y las ecuativas no. Los datos del español no sostienen ambas propuestas ya que no es posible argumentar que en las CRs de las predicativas hay una categoría funcional: no hay necesidad de concordancia de género (e.g. el león(i.masc) es [t(i), una fiera(fem)]) ni de número (e.g. los cuchillos(i.masc) son [ti, una amenaza(fem)]). Por otro lado, la literatura no reconoce que las ecuativas presentan una semejanza con las predicativas: no hay necesidad de concordancia de género (e.g. Ellas(fem) son los invitados(masc) disfrazados de esa mesa). Sánchez y Camacho (1993) plantearon una diferencia estructural entre ecuativas y predicativas; pero su explicación es incompleta porque no incluyen las restricciones de Caso que se imponen a los nominales. Mi propuesta sí considera tales restricciones y se basa en: a) la exigencia teórica de que los nominales deben estar marcados con Caso y b) la evidencia interlingüística proveniente de lenguas como el sinhala, el islandés, el árabe, el latín y el ruso, que marcan con Caso los nominales de las copulativas; a diferencia de éstas, la marcación de Caso en español se hace evidente en la distribución pronominal. Propongo que el patrón casual ecuativo es NOM-NOM (p.e. Ana es la monja/ Ella es la monja/Ana es ella) y que el patrón predicativo es NOM-Predicativo(PRE). PRE es un nuevo rasgo que el indeclinable lo evidencia (p.e. Ana es una monja/Ella es una monja/Ana lo es). Crucialmente, los datos de la copulativas rusas en pretérito (Perelstvaig,2000) presentan ambos patrones; pero en vez de PRE el Caso es Instrumental (INS) (p.e. (NOM)[Oleg] cópula (NOM)[direktor] en las ecuativas, y (NOM)[Oleg] cópula (INS)[direktorom] en las predicativas). En español, el rasgo NOM y el rasgo PRE de los nominales postcopulares se licencian mediante la operación Agree (Chomsky 2000,2001). El rasgo NOM se licencia gracias a T° y el rasgo PRE se legitima gracias a Asp°, núcleo de la FAsp propuesta por Zagona (2002), que es parte del verbo aspectual ser.

The aim of this thesis is to present semi-copular constructions in present-day Spanish. We define semi-copular verbs and characterize their relation to copular verbs. In the chapters of the thesis, we present the list of possible subject complements which form constructions with these verbs. We determine their type, semantic scope and possible restrictions. In the experimental part, we examine the adjectives related to selected semi-copular verbs - ponerse, quedarse, hacerse and volverse - in detail and we discuss their compatibility with verbs ser and estar. We also deal with the qualitative analysis of the semantic range for selected occurrences of semi- copular verbs in conjunction with adjectives. Key words: copular verbs, semi-copular verbs, semantic classification of verbs, Spanish

abstract: ABSTRACT This dissertation investigates the copular/locative and existential predications in Arabic. The main focus is on the typology and syntax of the existential predications. The negation of such predications reveals interesting results. The Negative Existential Cycle (Croft, 1991) is a model that describes the process by which verbal negators arise from existential negators. I discuss data of existentials and negative existentials from Standard Arabic, Saudi Arabic dialect, and Gulf Pidgin Arabic. I argue for canonical vs. non-canonical word orders in copular/locative and existential sentences, respectively. I examine the grammaticalization path of the existentials from their locative content in each language form. Then, I investigate the syntactic word order of the copular/locative and existential constructions in each variety. I investigate the negation of the existential construction in each variety. First, Standard Arabic is shown to be at stage A in the Negative Existential Cycle. The Hijazi and Najdi Arabic spoken by elders show further developments. Hijazi Arabic appears to be at stage B, while Najdi Arabic appears to be at stage B and an intermediate stage B ~ C. Second, I show that in Saudi Arabic the negative existential has been extended to the verbal domain. Saudi Arabic is at stages A, B, and B ~ C, while Qassimi Arabic is at stages A and B. Third, I show that the existential construction in Gulf Pidgin Arabic is only negated by the negative existential predicate, while the verbal sentences are negated by the negative existential and the verbal negator. Therefore, Gulf Pidgin Arabic is at stages B and C in the Negative Existential Cycle. Finally, I discuss the syntax of copular/locative and existential predications in each variety. I propose a unified syntactic structure. Existential and possessive predications are analyzed as inverse copular sentences (Moro, 1997) as opposed to the canonical copular/locative sentences. The unified structure accounts for the agreement facts, such as partial vs. full agreement in existential and copular/locative predications, respectively. The data investigated here will contribute to Arabic comparative and historical linguistics. More Arabic dialects’ data is needed to determine their stages in the Negative Existential Cycle. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2019

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:07:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NaraJMCM_DISSERT.pdf: 1183698 bytes, checksum: 8d3625f2ab250f1d640eb44f5cc7ddaa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-01-31 / Based on studies on the structure of copulates sentences in Brazilian Portuguese (PB), according to grammar theory, it s analyzed on this dissertation, the complex copulate sentences what, in the PB, initiated by the formation ? ruim que in the PB, bringing the hypothesis that they can have one predicacional reading (PRED) and other especificacional reading (ESP). It s revealed what, though they are similar slightly, that makes the different that are triggered is structural configuration of sentence and the form as come emerged the its constituents: that of PRED interpretation, that we defined as Common Copulate Sentence (or SCC), it s checked that the constituent ruim, and only it, is predicate of a Small Clause, and appears in the structure on even position wherein is pronounced, not passing by the method of movement, from where introduce wide predication on all subject, that is the CP built-in; those sentences ? ruim que understanding ESP, that denominate of Negative Copulate Sentence (or SCN), whereas the fixed expression contradict or right what is asserted in built-in, it s perceived what the ruim is a part of this fixed expression, and surely crystallized, which appears in structure per movement, germinated as adjunct of Inflexional Phrase (IP) and being elevation to specifier to FocP (or SpecFocP), where acquires discursive interpretation of focus. Besides the mode as the ruim or the fixed expression emerge in that sentences, the relation between the copula and main verb likewise contribute to distinguish the sentences: 1) regarding flexion of mode, when is a SCC, the copula must be in the mode indicative, and the main verb, in the subjunctive; when is a SCN, copula and main verb must be always on indicative; 2) regarding flexion of temp, both the copula as main verb of the SCC can be flexed, whereas at the SCN, the main verb can vary in present, past and future, but the copula should appear, necessarily, in third persona of present of indicative, what confirms our hypothesis that there is an fixed expression at the copulate sentences with ? ruim que ESP. Other two evidences are pointed as characteristics that distinguish the sentence with ? ruim que PRED of sentence with ? ruim que ESP: 1) in semantics, the constituent ruim equals not good, that has appreciation, when the reading will PRED; already the pair ? ruim equals not, at the ESP; 2) in prosody, there discrete sound elevation the ruim on the other constituents of SCC, PRED, while there is accentuated acoustic elevation on the ruim of SCN, ESP. Our search it is grounded in authors as Zanfeliz (2000), Modesto (2001), Mioto (2003), Kato & Ribeiro (2006), Lobo (2006), Quarezemin (2006, 2009, 2011, 2012) e Resenes (2009), researchers that devoted their attention on studies the formation and organization of the constituents of cleaved sentences and focalization of constituent, basing itself in approach generative of linguistic / Embasados em trabalhos sobre a estrutura das senten?as copulares no Portugu?s Brasileiro (PB), conforme a teoria da gram?tica, analisamos nesta disserta??o as senten?as copulares complexas encabe?adas pela estrutura ? ruim que no PB, trazendo a hip?tese de que elas podem ter uma leitura predicacional (PRED) e outra especificacional (ESP). Revelamos que, apesar de serem superficialmente id?nticas, o que contribui para que as distintas leituras sejam desencadeadas ? a configura??o estrutural da senten?a e a forma como aparecem os seus constituintes: naquelas de interpreta??o PRED, que as definimos como Senten?a Copular Comum (ou SCC), checamos que o constituinte ruim, e somente ele, ? o predicador de uma Small Clause, e surge na estrutura no lugar mesmo em que ? pronunciado, n?o passando por processo de movimento, de onde insere ampla predica??o sobre todo o sujeito, que ? o CP encaixado; naquelas ? ruim que de entendimento ESP, que chamamos de Senten?a Copular de Nega??o (ou SCN), tendo em vista a express?o fixa negar ou corrigir o que ? afirmado na encaixada, verificamos que o ruim faz parte dessa express?o fixa, e j? cristalizada, a qual aparece na estrutura por meio de movimento, nascendo como adjunto de IP e sendo al?ado at? o especificador de FocP (ou SpecFocP), onde adquire fun??o discursiva de foco. Al?m da forma como o ruim ou a express?o fixa surge nessas senten?as, a rela??o entre a c?pula e o verbo principal tamb?m contribui para distinguir as senten?as: 1) quanto ? flex?o de modo, quando ? uma SCC, a c?pula deve estar no modo indicativo, e o verbo principal, no subjuntivo; quando ? uma SCN, c?pula e verbo principal devem estar sempre no modo indicativo; 2) quanto ? flex?o de tempo, tanto a c?pula quanto o verbo principal das SCC podem ser flexionados, enquanto nas SCN, o verbo principal pode variar entre presente, passado e futuro, mas a c?pula deve aparecer, necessariamente, na terceira pessoa do presente do indicativo, o que vem confirmar nossa hip?tese de que h? uma express?o fixa nas estruturas copulares com ? ruim que ESP. Outras duas evid?ncias s?o apontadas como caracter?sticas que distinguem a senten?a com ? ruim que PRED da senten?a com ? ruim que ESP: 1) na sem?ntica, o constituinte ruim equivale a n?o ? bom, que tem valor apreciativo, quando a leitura for PRED; o par ? ruim equivale a n?o, nas ESP; 2) na pros?dia, h? uma discreta eleva??o sonora do ruim sobre os demais constituintes das SCC, PRED, enquanto h? uma acentuada eleva??o ac?stica sobre o ruim das SCN, ESP. Nossa pesquisa est? fundamentada em autores como Zanfeliz (2000), Modesto (2001), Mioto (2003), Kato & Ribeiro (2006), Lobo (2006), Quarezemin (2006, 2009, 2011, 2012) e Resenes (2009), pesquisadores que dedicaram aten??o ? forma??o e constru??o das constru??es clivadas e focaliza??o, baseando-se na perspectiva da corrente gerativa da lingu?stica

Descriptive perception verbs have failed to receive a uniform analysis in previous verb classifications (cf. Chomsky 1965, Rogers 1974, Hengeveld 1992, Levin 1993, Van Eynde et al. 2014). This thesis argues that the descriptive perception verbs in Dutch (i.e. eruitzien 'look', klinken 'sound', voelen 'feel', ruiken 'smell', and smaken 'taste') should be classified as copular verbs, much like lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem'. This classification is supported by both the synchronic and diachronic behaviour of these verbs in Dutch. Synchronically, proposing that Germanic copular verbs (as opposed to copulas) are defined by their syntax rather than their (empty) semantics, I discuss that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs behave like stereotypical copular verbs: they require a predicative complement, usually in the form of an adjective. Semantically, the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are much like the copular verbs blijken 'turn out', lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem' in terms of epistemicity and evidentiality. Diachronically, I hypothesize that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs have evolved from one of the following two origins: either from intransitive verbs (as is the case for klinken and ruiken), much like English remain, through grammaticalization processes of semantic bleaching and reanalysis; or from cognitive perception verbs (as is the case of eruitzien and voelen), as found in Latin, Japanese and Zulu, through the process of argument reordering. The origin of smaken is not clear, and is left for future research. I show that other Germanic evidential copular verbs (i.e. lijken, schijnen 'seem', scheinen 'seem', seem) have developed diachronically in a uniform fashion, suggesting the following grammaticalization path: from a lexical verb to a copular verb, to taking a that-complement, an infinitival complement or a like-complement, and eventually being used in parenthetical constructions. The results of this thesis indicate that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are only at the beginning of this grammaticalization path, but are on their way to becoming grammaticalized evidential copular verbs.

This MA thesis aims at describing the Czech counterparts to the English copular verbs of sensory perception, presupposing lexical differences due to the unequeal size of the repertoire available to each of the languages. After discussing the approaches of the major grammars of English to copular verbs, the MA thesis analyses the translation equivalents excerpted from the English-Czech section of the multilingual corpus InterCorp. The final set of translation pairs comprises 217 examples, with 50 examples of copular clauses with look, feel, smell, sound and 17 sentences with the predicate taste. The analysis, divided into sections investigating each copula individually, shows that the prevailing means of translating an English copular predication of perception are lexical verbs (in 78% of occurrences), most frequently followed by an adverbial (in 72% of occurrences). In particular, the most usual translation was an intransitive verb followed by an adverb. Verbs with a complementation comprise a low number of occurrences. Similarly, fusion appeared very rarely (usually with the copula feel). Czech copular verbs as counterparts of the English copulas of perception occurred only in the imperfective aspect (být) comprising 9% of all counterparts. Comparing the languages revealed that Czech copulas are...

The present thesis studies the copular verbs and their co-occurrence with adjectival complements in contemporary written and spoken English. The theoretical part of this work first describes the copular verbs in terms of their types and types of complements they take. A corpus-based approach to copular verbs follows. A part of the theory also provides an overview of the terminology that is used with copular verbs. The work consists of two parts: the theoretical part which introduces the topic and describes the features of both the principal copula be and other copular verbs and the analytical part which analyses written language data excerpted from the Araneum Anglicum corpus and spoken language data from the Spoken BNC2014 corpus. The analytical part focuses on the following seven verbs: feel, look, seem, remain, become, go and get and their adjectival complements. These adjectives are then analysed in terms of their frequency and collocability with the verbs. The collocate lists of all verbs are then compared between the two corpora. Finally, the analysis also attempts to categorize the adjectives semantically. The analysis also focuses on adverbs which occur in these constructions and which function is to modify the adjectives. The results of the analytical part are summarized in the conclusion.

Diese Dissertation untersucht die lexikalischen und morphosyntaktischen Eigenschaften polnischer und russischer Prädikatsnomina sowie der Kopula (des Kopulalexems). Sie stellt die Kasusvariation (Nominativ vs. Instrumental) sowie die Formvariation (Kurz- vs. Langformadjektiv) an diesen Prädikativen in den Mittelpunkt und hat das Ziel, ihre grammatische Quelle, Funktionsweise und Interpretation bzw. Lesart zu erklären. Dabei werden sowohl die primäre als auch die sekundäre Prädikation betrachtet. Im Rahmen der Formulierung der theoretischen Grundlagen wird ein Vorschlag gemacht, der es gestattet, den viel diskutierten Begriff "Prädikation" referenzsemantisch zu erfassen. Ferner wird vorgeschlagen, Flexionsmorphologie und Semantik (im Sinne von "grammatischer Bedeutung") voneinander zu trennen. In diesem Sinne leistet die vorgelegte Dissertation auch einen Beitrag zur Forschung über die Schnittstelle zwischen Morphosyntax und Semantik.