On 1 July 1941 Mr Greenhalgh issued a writ against his co-shareholders in the Arderne Cinema Company, and thus began a series of cases which ended with a Court of Appeal Judgment handed down on,10 November 1950. During the almost ten-year period of the litigation, seven actions were brought by Mr Greenhalgh, five of which were taken on appeal. Mason1 writing in the Australian Law Journal said of the litigation "It thus represents something of an epic of litigious heroism· while Professor Sealy2 in a note in the Cambridge Law Journal dealing with the Clemens case3 in referring to a seemingly wide choice of remedies .... available to a minority through the courts ... remarks that many of them have a sorry history as the ghost of Mr Zuccani ...., Mr Sidebottom ...., Mr Greenhalgh .... and the many other unsuccessful litigants who haunt the pages of the textbooks could plainly testify." The first two references are to Allen v Gold Reefs of West Africa [1900] 1 Ch.656 and Shuttleworth v Cox Bros. & Co. (Maidenhead) [1927] 2 K.B. 9, of which more later and the third, of course, to Mr Greenhalgh of the Arderne Cinema company. D D Prentice4 In a Law Quarterly Review article entitled 'Restraints on the Exercise of Majority Shareholder Power' begins with the words: "The plight of Mr Greenhalgh is known to all students of company law and his fate has been held up as a salutary warning to all minority shareholders who have the temerity to do battle with the big battalions." Gower in Principles of Modern Company Law 4 ed (1979), referring to the last appeal, says "This last case, however, was merely the culmination of a long battle in the courts which is such an admirable illustration of the vulnerability of a minority shareholder that it is worthwhile summarising the whole story.

In 1985 the South African Law Commission published a Report entitled Women and Sexual Offences in South Africa. 1 The Report is the result of almost 3 years' research initiated at the request of the Minister of Justice in 1982. During the period 1979-1981 public attention in South Africa was drawn dramatically to the crime of rape. Media reports focused on the high incidence and brutality of the crime and contributed towards a heightened sense of public anxiety and outrage. Slabbert has argued convincingly that during this period the South African public experienced a “moral panic” regarding rape. Public concern extended to concern for the fate of rape victims and their treatment by the criminal justice agencies. This concern was voiced in Parliament. Questions were put to the Minister regarding the procedures involved in the laying of a rape charge and the medico-forensic aspects of the crime. As a result the Minister requested the South African Law Commission to investigate these matters. The resultant Report was published in April 1985.

THE ROAD TO SORROW State Apologies and why they -and why they don't- happen MASTER'S THESIS ABSTRACT SPECIFIC RESEARCH QUESTION & HYPOTHESIS WHY IS THIS RESEARCH HERE CONCLUSIONS PREPARED BY MIGUEL MOLINA THESIS ADVISOR RNDr. JAN KOFROŇ, PH.D. METHODOLOGY CASE SELECTION RESULTS ANALYSIS WINTER 2017 Following the revelations of the process tracing and case comparison, it can be summarized that for an apology to happen, the most important factor is a measure of domestic pressure into apologizing: by the government, by local institutions or by the media. How big the crime was, how bit the economic opportunities are seem to be less relevant as long as there is a willingness to apologize. State apologies seem to be having a moment. they have become a tool for politicking that goes beyond the expression of remorse. It has been cited as crucial to the betterment of foreign relations and as a key foreign policy tool. The author is looking to contribute to the understanding of the process of state apologies and contribute to the field of Geopolitics of Peace, a field that Megoran (2013) calls often ignored. The main research question is to discover why State Apologies happen in some cases and they don't in others. The methodology chosen was Process Tracing through the development of case studies. The methodology...

About 30 million women in the U.S. are estimated to be victims of sex crimes in their lifetimes. However, sex crimes, especially those committed against immigrants are the least reported crime in the country. Some sex crime victims say the fear of media criticism discourages them from reporting the crime. in May 2011, an African maid working at a New York hotel accused Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the former director of the International Monetary Fund, of sexually assaulting her. This qualitative content analysis examined the coverage of the DSK case, by three leading international newspapers: the New York Times, the Guardian and Le Monde. Findings suggest that Strauss-Kahn received more favorable coverage than Diallo. Frames identified in the coverage include the importance of status/prominence, race, culture differences, victim-blaming, male privilege, socioeconomic differences and focus on appearance. the study recommends that news organizations avoid judgmental coverage of sex crimes and consider identifying victims by allowing them to tell their side of the story.

The principal objective of this study was to examine the proposition, advanced by several authorities, that the views, attitudes and beliefs of the public concerning the sex offender and his offense are characterized by fallacy, stereotype and misconception. That the approach to the problem of the sex offense has been and continues to be primarily legislative is a fact that can be demonstrated; and that legislation reflects and is influenced by public attitudes and beliefs is a premise that can be supported. Hence the accuracy or inaccuracy of these public attitudes and beliefs will have a bearing on the legislation enacted. Yet no systematic study could be discovered by the researchers either validating or invalidating the proposition as stated. It was to this end that the project was undertaken. The method of approach was to establish some factual baseline data about sex offenders and to examine the assumptions of the public about this data. Difficulties in defining both populations, the sex offenders and the public, were met by limiting the former to those individuals admitted to the sex offender program at Oregon State Hospital under any of the provisions of Oregon's "Sexually Dangerous” law, ORS 42.6, and the latter to the first-year graduate social work students at Portland State University. The problem of distinguishing fact from fallacy was handled by limiting the data to recorded and verifiable information drawn from case records. These necessary limitations resulted in the reduction of the above-described proposition to the much narrow hypothesis that beginning social work students at Portland State University will make inaccurate assumptions about the characteristics of the sex offender population at Oregon State Hospital. Although this reduction resulted in some loss of primary value, other secondary gains realized from the study as designed include the compilation of data on a population not heretofore studied and the communication of knowledge and stimulation of interest in areas where knowledge is lacking. This latter factor is of particular importance when the nature of the respondent population is taken into account--they are not only members of the legislation-influencing public, they are future professionals who will be in a position to bring other approaches to bear on the problem of the sex offender and his offense. Procedure consisted of the gathering and tabulation of factual data from the case records of 79 offenders and the use of this information as the basis for construction of a questionnaire-type instrument for assessing the accuracy of the assumptions of the respondents concerning the characteristics of the offender, his offense and his victim(s). The instrument also included 12 statements of attitude claimed to be common misconceptions held by the lay public concerning sex offenders. The most significant finding of the study was that the exploratory hypothesis was not supported. The respondents made fewer inaccurate than accurate assumptions about the sex offender population at Oregon State Hospital. Moreover, they disagreed with 10 out of the 12 attitudinal statements. It is not concluded on the basis of this finding, however, that the initial proposition is therefore invalidated. The atypical character of both populations and the gross nature of the methodology employed preclude such a verdict. On the other hand, it is felt that the secondary benefits have been realized; and that, furthermore, the study represents a meaningful addition to the store of knowledge both about the sex offender and his offense and about public attitudes toward them.

Critical criminology has suffered from poor theoretical development. This has resulted not only in confusion with other radical criminologies, but also in distorting the objectives of Marxist inquiry. This thesis examines this confusion via discussions of of class, the state, criminality and the scientific and ideological nature of Marxism. The objective is to demonstrate that a Marxist "critical criminology is both possible and desirable. In order to avoid confusion with other perspectives, and to avoid an overly deterministic analysis, it is argued that critical criminology must recognize the importance of the distinctions between classes-in-themselves, classes-for-themselves and class fractions. Without a full understanding of these concepts it is possible to see the state as either a simple tool of a dominant elite, or an autonomous entity having a life of its own, rather than something created and controlled by human action. Further as a result of an overly simplistic analysis of the state it is possible to view crime as inevitably "revolutionary" rather than as something which may equally be counter to the interests of the working classes. Thus throughout the discussions of class, state and crime it is emphasized that much of critical criminology has left out the dialectics of Marxian analysis. It is the failure to include the dialectic which has led some critics to argue that critical criminology is simply "ideology" or "unscientific." Thus care is taken in the final chapter to specify that Marxism is both ideological and scientific. It is ideological to the extent that it is to act as a political statement of the interests of the working class in the effort at crime control, and it is scientific to the extent that it offers an analysis of the way in which social formations organise their social, political and economic life. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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The problem is, what personality changes occur in sex offenders at San Quentin Correctional Institution between the entrance Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory and the pre-parole Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory.

This dissertation focusses upon battered women in Gaborone and its environs. It aims to perspective. examine physical battering from a socio-legal In an attempt to link the social and the legal, the women' s theoretical with the 'symbolic' them. and actual responses are analysed together and practical legal remedies available to by using new revolutionary feminism as a methodological and analytical tool, the researcher was able both to: relate to the women as a woman, and - ' create with the women a means of communication which was less hierarchic than it would otherwise have been. The legal and sociological responses are examined against the backdrop of a brief socio-political history of the country. The central themes focussed upon here are the law, role of chiefs, and the role and status of women in both the pre- and post-independence phases. This Chapter also serves to locate the major themes of the dissertation, marriage, family and the law, within a broader socio-political context. A brief excursus focusses on selected Zimbabwean legislation which directly relates to women. Even though the legislation is not specifically for combating battering, its potential use for such purpose becomes clear. Zimbabwe provides an example of a contemporary African country actively involved with putting to paper its government's ·commitment to the liberation of women and the establishment of equality of men and women in all spheres of Zimbabwean society. '1 The recommendations are divided into preferred and interim measures. The preferred measures operable within the researcher's preferred society are aimed at: the elimination of traditional structures which result in oppression and exploitation; the elimination of ideological relations which create and reinforce oppressive social relations at both personal and I global political economic levels; and being a society in which the laws both reflect and effect the principles of equality and legality. The interim measures operate within the present society and serve as precursors to the preferred remedies. The experiences of the women and the limited use of the law both 'formed the basis for these recommendations. It is this researcher's submission that battering cannot be addressed adequately in legal terms alone. Seen as a means of social control of women, battering has to be dealt with at both the social and legal levels for any effective measures to be taken.

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