Thesis (MSD(Social Work and Criminology))-University of Pretoria, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

With the end of the Cold War and the subsequent reduction in defence spending, the Taiwanese defence industry has encountered great difficulties. Recently, the Government announced that at the end of 2006, all military plants should move from the public sector to the private sector. The aim being not only to maintain a manufacturing capability sufficient to ensure the technical competence and resources necessary for an effective and timely response to a mobilisation but also to reduce government infrastructure costs. However, unless the military plants take more aggressive action to assess their management and manufacturing weaknesses effectively, their modernisation efforts will not succeed. This research is concerned with the development of a methodology for manufacturing performance measurement and evaluation to help Taiwanese military plants develop and maintain a competitive advantage. The basic concept of the proposed framework is based on the Balanced Scorecard concept. However, the structure and procedures have been further developed to reflect Taiwan's specific requirements. In particular, the proposed framework provides a structure and tools to tackle a number of key requirements, such as the need to provide both internal and external measures as a means of both qualitatively and quantitatively prioritising and evaluating manufacturing strategic concerns, and the need to show continuously where improvement needs to be made. Industrial case studies have shown that the proposed framework is both feasible and effective when applied within the particular environment of Taiwanese military plants. In addition the proposed framework has highlighted some theoretical and practical problems associated with the design and development of manufacturing performance measurement and evaluation framework. Due to its generic nature, through interviews with three UK companies, it was demonstrated that the proposed framework could also be applied to other societies and industries, either public or private, to solve their manufacturing performance measurement and evaluation problems.

Glutamate dehydrogenase a (GDHa) has been suggested as a potential drug target against the malaria parasite Plasmodium falciparum. GDHa knockout cell line was generated and needed a phenotypic description by means of molecular biology and biochemistry. The knockout cell line was tested for higher oxidative stress sensitivity, levels of relevant proteins and gene transcripts were quantified. Furthermore, concentrations of two key molecules enabling redox homeostasis, glutathione and NADPH, were attempted to quantify. Finally, we attempted to disrupt a gene of another glutamate dehydrogenase, gdhb, which did not result in formation of viable parasites. In conclusion, GDHa is not a suitable drug target and GDHb needs to be further elucidated.

My thesis seeks to resolve key areas of debate regarding the nature of provocation as a defence in English Law, by reference to both historical and philosophical analysis. Academic commentators on the doctrine disagree on whether it should be seen as essentially an excusing condition alone, such as insanity, or should be understood as an excuse involving some element of "partial [moral] justification", such as duress. I seek to resolve this debate by considering at a deeper philosophical level the nature of anger and action in anger. I argue that English Law has historically operated with two equally plausible conceptions of anger, anger as righteous indignation and anger as a loss of self-control. The former was the conception drawn on in the development of the early modern law, and the latter is the conception drawn on in the development of the modern law. I go on to argue that controversy, referred to above, over the nature of provocation as a defence, can be only resolved by making clear the distinction between the two kinds of anger. Action in anger conceived as a loss of self-control bears more of a family resemblance to defences such as (temporary) insanity. Action in anger conceived as righteous indignation bears more of a family resemblance to defences such as duress. I argue that whichever conception of anger is in issue, however, action in anger can be open to moral criticism, because all kinds of action in anger are based on at least a judgment of moral wrongdoing, that may be subject of such criticism. I argue that the law may thus legitimately require at least some moral justification for action in anger before allowing a defence of provocation to be pleaded successfully.

This thesis is a participant observer and action research case study of the Royal Air Force’s efforts to improve its senior leadership from2007 to 2010. It addresses the research question: what are the conditions required to establish an egalitarian team in a military hierarchy? It examines the establishment of the Senior Leadership Team, designed to operate as a forum for the dissemination of the leader’s intent, dissemination of information, and generation of ideas. The literature review argues there are four bodies of relevant knowledge that derive from the research question: forming large teams, use of power, changing culture, and building interpersonal trust. From the literature, two models are considered, one for formation of large teams and another for establishing an egalitarian culture in a hierarchy. The theoretical position to examine the case study from is a combination of the four areas and the two models. The conclusions emphasise the need for leadership and facilitation to deal with the issues of behaviour; charade of cooperation; homogeneity and heterogeneity; effects of power, particularly on trust; group size paradox; and creating open discussion. The thesis argues, in this context, culture is akin to organisational identity and it examines how culture might be changed and sustained in a strict hierarchical organisation to ensure open discussion where all opinions are equal. The thesis identifies the fundamental importance of interpersonal trust for large informational or consultative teams that hold a different culture to their host organisation. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the models examined do not provide an adequate framework for this case study and tentatively puts forward a 7-factor model representing the conditions required to establish an egalitarian team in a military hierarchy.

I denna uppsats undersöks förändringarna i Sveriges och Finlands försvarsekonomi i relationtill respektive lands säkerhetspolitiska doktrin under perioden 1989–2009, i syfte att analyserahur dessa samvarierar. Uppsatsen bidrar till ekonomisk-historisk forskning med en empirisktgrundad diskussion om hur försvar, hotbild och tillförda ekonomiska resurser relaterar tillvarandra. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att Sveriges försvarsdoktrin inte följs av enkoherent försvarsekonomi. Sverige kombinerar en realistisk försvarsdoktrin med en liberalförsvarsekonomi, och Finland gör tvärtom. Relationen mellan försvarsvarsekonomi ochförsvarsdoktrin är ett resultat av många komplexa processer. / This thesis treats the complex relationship between defence expenditures, defence doctrinein relation to the internal and external politics of a nation. The subject of the thesis is Sweden’sdefence policy and its defence expenditures compared to those of Finland during the turbulentyears between 1989 and 2009. The empirical part of the thesis is based on defence expendituresand the official statements made by both Finland’s and Sweden’s governments respectively.This thesis shows that both Sweden’s and Finland’s defence doctrine during the analysed periodis inconsistent with the development of the country’s defence expenditures. The politicallydecided defence expenditures are not consistent with the defence doctrine.

Le développement économique et démocratique des deux derniers siècles est étroitement lié à la consolidation du monopole de l’Etat sur la violence légitime. Si le secteur privé est longtemps confiné à la périphérie des problématiques de sécurité, le panorama a considérablement évolué au cours des deux dernières décennies. Beaucoup de pays industrialisés comptent maintenant plus d’agents de sécurité que de policiers par exemple. Il y a en 2008 en Irak plus d’employés de sociétés militaires privées que de soldats américains. Après une mutation vers l’étatisation, la généralisation de la démocratie, l’émergence de garde-fous internationaux comme l’ONU ou l’UE, combinées à laglobalisation d’un modèle économique libéral, semblent faciliter un retour vers la privatisation de la sécurité et de la défense. A l'instar de ce qui s'est produit dans la période précédant la chute de l'Empire Romain, le recours croissant par l’Etat moderne à des forces de sécurité ou militaires privées est-t-il le prélude à sa disparition? Les Etats modernes sont-ils en train d’opérer un retour en arrière et les intérêts particuliers de l’emporter sur le bien général ? Dans un ordre économique global libéral, le régalien en France peut-il maintenir son emprise sur la sécurité et la défense, alors même que la monnaie, et peut-être bientôt la fiscalité, dépend de l’Europe ? A partir d’une approche historique et comparative, cette recherche est organisée autour de l’examen et l’ébauche de résolution de la question suivante : la sécurité et la défense sont-elles des activités comme les autres ou doivent-elles bénéficier d’un traitement particulier ? / Over the last two centuries, economic and democratic development has been closely linked to the consolidation of the Statemonopoly on legitimate violence. If the private sector has long been confined to the margins of security issues, the landscape has been considerably modified over the last two decades. Many industrial countries have now more private security officers than public law enforcement resources. In 2008, in Irak there were more private security contractors than US soldiers. Following mutation towards State control, the development of democracy, the rise of international safeguards such as UNO or EU, combined with the globalisation of a liberal economic model, appear to facilitate a move back towards the privatisation of security and defence activities. Mirroring the fall of the Roman Empire, is the increasing use of private security and military forces by the modern State a forewarning of its own demise? Are modern States “moving back to the future” and private interests overwhelming the general good? In a global liberal economic order, can France maintain its hold on security and defence when its fiduciary powers, and soon may be its fiscal ones as well, are controlled by Europe? Using an historical and comparative approach, this research is organised around the analysis and an attempt to answer the following question: are security and defence activities similar to any others or do they require a special treatment?

The study investigates the influence of politics over technology to then deepen the relevance of semiconductors as part of the defence realm in the case of China. To this end, the importance of technology in warfare and the entailed trade-offs are illustrated along with the efforts to regulate the export flow. The theoretical framework focuses on finding local validity rather than a universal one, bridging politics and technology via the time factor. Hence, semiconductors are included in the Chinese defence sector showing the relevance given them by Beijing's plans for military modernisation. An overview of the supply chain allows for a better understanding of the implications stemming from its global structure, underscoring the autarky-efficiency challenges any state needs to address. Consequently, China embodies a favourable case study because of its domestic power structure, modernisation ambitions, and imposed export controls directing its choices. A thorough analysis of policies and procurement means is employed to confirm the securitisation of the technology, gauging domestic prospects, international responses, and hindrances. Finally, two scenarios structure the main drivers into plausible outlooks, sketching development in the short term and suggesting further research avenues.

Article 2(1) of the UN Charter states that “the organisation is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” It cannot be disputed that the international community as a whole supports the fact that a state’s right to sovereignty is considered to be its most sacred international law right, which also includes sovereignty over its air space. Without this right, a state cannot exist and the United Nations cannot function. The parameters are clear and entrenched in international law as to when and how a state may use force against intrusion by a foreign military aircraft of another state in order to protect its right to sovereignty over its air space. However, international uncertainty and much debate exist as to the nature of civilian aerial intrusions into the airspace of another state. From an objective perspective, it appears that international law provides for a clear legal framework in that force may not be used against a civilian aircraft intruder unless it is facing an armed attack and acting in self-defence as defined in the Charter of the United Nations. This statement could not be further from the truth and it seems that even in our current modern, technologically advanced society we live in today where we can put a man on the moon and operate our household appliances from our phones, we cannot reach consensus as to what constitutes an armed attack by civilian aircraft or when and how a state may use force when a civilian intrusion of its airspace occurs. Consider the following scenario: A civilian aircraft of state A takes off on a route which requires it to cross the sovereign air space of state B. State B does allow for this type of crossing, provided that the civilian aircraft keeps to its designated route and does not enter any unrestricted areas of state B which requires pre-authorisation before entering. The civilian aircraft enters the airspace of state B, however, for no apparent reason, it deters from its designated route and heads towards a restricted area of state B. Air Traffic Control (“ATC”) of state B calls upon the pilot to return to its designated route, however due to some form of malfunction error, no communication can be established or alternatively, communication is established, but the pilot confirms it is heading to state C and proceeds to travel on the unauthorised route. In the absence of knowing the aircraft’s intention and in fear for state B’s national security, state B immediately sends an interceptor jet in an attempt to intercept the aircraft, but to no avail can either ATC or the interceptor jet manage to establish contact with the aircraft. As a last resort, the interceptor jet attempts to force the aircraft to land at the closest runway but the aircraft refuses/fails to take any recognisance of this attempt and proceeds on the unauthorised route (hereinafter referred to as “the Scenario”). Even with the inception of Article 3bis (as further described in 2.3 below), which was adopted for this specific international issue, there are still a lack of agreement amongst the international community as to the parameters in which to operate when a state finds itself in a situation as set out in the Scenario. This issue forms the crux of this paper and the writer will attempt to, by applying various applicable international laws, including customary laws, establish a universal set of guidelines which states can apply when having to deal with situations similar to the Scenario. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Public Law / LLM / Unrestricted

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